Romanian History and Culture

A Library of Knowledge from the Web. An Educational Website.

Romanian Minority in Present Day Hungary, Hungarian Minority in Present Day Romania.


   Map of Romanians before WW1

File:Romanians before WW1.jpg

Fascist Vienna Dictat of 1940 stipulated: "Territorial determination – cession of territories – question of the areas to be ceded by Romania to Hungary – modalities of transfer.

Nationality – Romanian subjects domiciled in territory ceded to Hungary immediately acquire Hungarian citizenship (to obliterate any trace of their Romanian origin and citizenship)– option to acquire Romanian citizenship and leave ceded territory – compensation for unliquidated immoveable property.

Nationality – Romanian subjects of Hungarian descent domiciled in territory ceded to Romania by Hungary in 1919 and which remains Romanian have right to opt for Hungarian nationality within six months."



  Romanian Territory in Northern Transylvania taken by Hungary in 1940


Present Day Hungary/Romanian Borders



Romanian Minority in Hungary

Romanian Bishopric of Gyula

Hungarian Minority in Romania 

The Faith of Romanian Lands after 19s and 20s Century Wars

Hungarian- Romanian War of 1919

Vienna Nazi and Hortyist Diktat 

Transylvania 1940-1944

Treznea Massacre

Magyar Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of Romania 1952-1956

Diplomatic Conflict 1980s

European Union Futuristic Map

Fereste-ma Doamne de prieteni (documente din timpul razboiului de eliberare a Ungariei de sub comunismul lui Bela Kun, de catre armata romana)

Hungarian Point of View 

Romanians in Hungary

A very good website at:

Bekescsaba is mainly Slovak, Gyula has a Hungarian majoriy, Mehkerek is Romanian, and Elek was mostly German. After WW1 the region was divided between Hungary and Romania, mostly the border follows the line of ethnic division, however there are a few Romanian villages now in Hungary and a few Hungarian villages in Romania. The county museum in Bekescsaba has a good presentation of the different peoples living in this area.

The Romanian music and dances has been collected mainly in the villages of Elek and Mehkerek and is a continuation of the Bihor Romanian types. In Szeged Hungary there is the office for the Romanian minority.

Transylvania references

Barth, F.H. (1979), A Transylvanian legacy: The life of a Transylvanian Saxon, Transylvania, Utah

Boias, L. (1999, english version 2001), History and Myth in the Romanian consciousness, Ceupress, Budapest

Candea, V. (1977), An outline of Romanian History, Medidiane Press, Bucharest

Eliade, M. (1943, english version 1992), The Romanians: a concise history, Bucharest

Giurescu, C. (1972), Chronological History of Romania, Bucharest

Hitchins, K. (1988), The idea of nation: the Romanians of Transylvania, 1691-1849, Bucharest

Illyes, E (1988), Ethnic Continuity in the Carpatho-Danubian Area, Columbia University Press, New York

Kopeczi (1994), History of Transylvania, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Akademiai Kiado, Budapest 

MacKenzie, A. (1990), A journey into the past of Transylvania, Robert Hale, London

Milton, L. (1986), Transylvania, History and Reality, Bartleby Press, Maryland

Mitu, S. (1997, english version 2001), National Identity of Romanians in Transylvania, Ceupress, Budapest

Musat, M., Ardeleanu, I. (1985), From ancient Dacia to modern Romania, Bucharest

Pop, I. (1999), Romanian and Romania a brief History, Columbia University Press, New York

Treptow, K.W. (1999), A history of Romania, Iasi

The Tragedy of the Romanian Minority in Hungary Revisited, by Dr. Coriolan Brad  

There are still Romanians living in Hungary. I would like to know to what extent the principle of civic equality has been or is being applied objectively for that Romanian minority. After World War I approximately 250,000 Romanians were living in Hungary, concentrated mainly in places around the town of Gyula. According to the Hungarian statistic of 1990, in Hungary only approximately 4,800 Romanians remained.
   According to Romanian statistics, in 1930 there lived in Transylvania 1,353,276 Hungarians and Szekels (among the Szekels are counted the Romanians forced to live as Szekels), and according to the 1992 census in Romania live 1,620,000 Hungarians (a number that includes all Hungarian-speaking persons, that is Hungarians and Szekels). No need to comment: the above figures speak for themselves, and show where one can see ethnic and cultural genocide going on.
   In the two days I spent this summer in the town of Gyula and around it, I realized from the information imparted by various persons what are the causes of the tragedy of the Romanian minority in Hungary. Nothing happens by chance, everything is well thought out and well organized for an efficient assimilation.
    In mixed marriages the Hungarian ethnicity has always prevailed and in the course of nature the children are Hungarian and are raised to be Hungarians. One cannot accuse in any way a decrease in the birth rate of the Romanian population, for I have seen families with two and more children. Especially between the two world wars, and also at present, for a Romanian to be active in a public profession he has to adopt a Hungarian name, the aim being to create a homogeneous Hungarian society, for a person who has adopted a Hungarian name becomes forever integrated in the body of the Hungarian nation (S. Telkes).
    It is important to note the absence of associations and institutions that could assure the identity of the Romanians. This summer [1995], the Romanian Union of Hungary has been arbitrarily abolished; that traditional association that more or less stimulated the Romanian national consciousness has been replaced with the Movement for the Self-Government of the Romanians of Hungary, a body that nobody wanted. The Romanians do not know what it stands for; it was illegally imposed upon a minority that is being discriminated against.
    The spiritual Christian life [of the Romanians] takes place in the nineteen Orthodox and one Greek-Catholic parishes around Gyula, and an Orthodox one in Budapest. These parishes had until this year an insufficient number of priests who officiated divine services taking turns once or twice a month at various parishes. This year, the Orthodox Bishopric of Arad, under whose jurisdiction are the parishes around Gyula, sent a few missionary priests to answer the stringent needs of those parishes.The penury of priests has cause a decline in the Christian Orthodox feeling, seen in the very low participation of the parishioners in the
divine services, the increase in the various sects and the visits paid by some parishioners to Hungarian churches.
    Among the blatant disregard of the European norms of human rights and the rights of the minorities is the discrepancy between the huge number of schools of all types including universities with Hungarian as the teaching language in Romania, and the penury of schools with Romanian as a teaching language for the Romanian minority in Hungary. In the village of Micherechi with 96% of the population made up of Romanians, there is just one school for the Romanians and the teaching language is part Romanian and part Hungarian. In the other villages the classes for the Romanians are allowed on the premises of the Hungarian schools; in those classes teaching is done to a very small extent in Romanian, but is done mostly in Hungarian. At the Nicolae Balcescu high school of Gyula, which is allegedly a Romanian school, Romanian is but one of the foreign languages taught ordinarily in regular high schools. The study of Romanian has two phases: beginners and advanced. Vague notions of classical Romanian literature are
mentioned. But an analysis of I.B. Deleanu's comic epic Tiganiada (The Gypsies) is included in order to allege that the Romanians are descended from Gypsies. Geography and history are studied only in Hungarian with misrepresentations about the Romanian people, about which it is alleged that it invaded its own land sometimes from south of the Danube, sometimes from Moldavia or Wallachia. Under these circumstances when historical truth is distorted and traditions and aspirations are misrepresented it is natural that the Romanians cease to feel and think that they are Romanians. The Romanian national consciousness has been eradicated among them, with the result that parents prefer to send their children to be schooled in Hungarian rather than in their mother tongue. The outcome of all that is that all Romanians who live in Hungary are perfectly fluent in Hungarian and speak almost no Romanian at all, so that in the homes of many Romanians only Hungarian is spoken.
   If in bookstores in Romania there are whole shelves full of Hungarian books and on the stands there are Hungarian magazines and newspapers, the Romanian minority in Hungary has no access to information though the mass-media. I have visited all bookstores and stands in Bekescsaba and Gyula and found not a single Romanian book, newspaper or magazine. It appears that they are all forbidden except one newspaper titled NOI (Ourselves), published at the end of the week with local news and trivia that have nothing to do with the Romanian spirit and tradition. This newspaper can be received at home by subscribers. The
Hungarian television allows the Romanian minority 20 minutes every week only, Saturday between 9 and 9:20 p.m., an
inconvenient hour; and the program is censored so as not to demean the dignity of the Hungarian state, while the Hungarians enjoy in Romania a far larger time slot in their mother tongue.
   As things stand now, Magyarization has progressed and for the Romanians of Hungary a process of annihilation of their Romanian identity takes place. If before the return of Transylvania to Romania the Romanians preferred not to learn Hungarian in order to preserve their tradition and their identity, nowadays with their national consciousness destroyed, the Romanians of Hungary feel that they are Hungarians rather than Romanians. This phenomenon of Magyarization, of alienation, of separation from the body of the nation has its remote historical roots and has not been abated after World War II; on the contrary, it continues today in various forms.
   The reasons for the debacle of the Romanian minority of Hungary are many. In the first place, the absence of leaders among them who should identify with the fate of the Romanian minority. Then, the lack of teachers and priests in the villages populated by Romanians who should keep the torch burning of Romanian thinking and of the Dacian-Roman heritage. All governments of Romania are guilty in that respect ever since her emergence up to the present, since all disregarded the fate of the Romanians who lived outside Romania's borders, and did not offer the moral and material support that this minority should have received. And the Orthodox Church shares the guilt for leaving the flock without shepherds.
   A natural weakness in the Romanian minority has been their giving in for fear of losing their jobs or not being able to carry on in their public or private professions, which would have entailed the inability to provide for their and their families' material needs.
   The twelfth hour had arrived for the Romanian minority in Hungary. As things have evolved and continue to evolve, I do not think that that island of Romanians could save themselves. Magyarization has prevailed in all areas of life, politically, culturally, through the church and through the administration. The tragedy of that Romanian minority is to be deeply deplored for it is our
tragedy, the tragedy of the Romanian people. The Hungarians have brought to bear their entire ability to achieve the de-nationalization of the Romanians of Hungary and their integration in the Hungarian society, finding favorable circumstances to achieve their goal.
   The Hungarian policy toward the Romanian minority of Hungary has destroyed the ethnic and religious identity of the Romanians. what cannot be said of the Hungarian minority of Romania which enjoys as least equal rights with the Romanian population.

 No. 33604 HUNGARY and ROMANIA
Treaty of understanding, cooperation and good neighbourliness
(with appendix). Signed at Timisoara on 16 September 1996

Authentic texts: Hungarian and Romanian.
Registered by Hungary and Romania on 4 March 1997.

Article 15
( 1 ) a) The Contracting Parties pledge that in regulating the rights and obliga
tions of persons belonging to national minorities living on their territory, they shall
enforce the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe regarding national
minorities, if their lawful internal order does not contain more favorable regulations
regarding the rights of persons belonging to minorities.
b) The Contracting Parties, without infringing upon the contents of para
graph a) above, in order to protect and promote ethnic, cultural, linguistic and re
ligious identity of the Romanian minority in Hungary and of the Hungarian minority
in Romania, shall enforce, as legal commitments, the provisions which define the
rights of these persons, as they are stipulated in pertinent documents of the United
Nations Organization, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the
Council of Europe, mentioned in the appendix to the Treaty herein.
(2) As such, the Parties reiterate that the persons to whom the preceding para
graph before have the right, exercised individually, or jointly together with other
members of their group, to express freely, preserve and develop their ethnic, cul
tural, linguistic and religious identity. Accordingly, they have the right to create and
maintain their own educational, cultural and religious institutions, organizations or
associations, which can appeal to voluntary financial and other contributions, and to
public support, in accordance with national legislation.
Vol. 1966, 1-33604
108 United Nations — Treaty Series • Nations Unies — Recueil des Traités 1997
(3) The Contracting Parties respect the right of persons belonging to the
Romanian minority in Hungary and of persons belonging to the Hungarian minority
in Romania to freely use their mother tongue, in private and in public, orally and in
writing. They shall take the necessary measures so that persons may study their
mother tongue and have adequate possibilities to be educated in this language within
the state education system, at all levels and in all forms, according to their needs. The
Contracting Parties shall ensure conditions which will make possible the use of their
mother tongue also in relations with local, administrative or judicial authorities,
according to national legislation and international commitments undertaken by the
two Parties. These persons also have the right to use their first and last name in their
mother tongue and shall enjoy official recognition of these names. In areas inhabitated
by a substantial number of persons belonging to the respective minorities, each
Party shall allow traditional local names of geographic places, street names and
other topographic names of public use to be displayed, also, in the minority lan
(4) The Contracting Parties shall respect the right of persons belonging to
national minorities to have access, in their mother tongue to information and elec
tronic and print mass media and to freely exchange and disseminate information.
They shall give these persons to possibility, within the internal legislation of each to
create and administrate their own mass media.
(5) The Contracting Parties shall ensure the exercise by persons belonging to
these minorities of the right to effectively take part, individually or through their
political parties or organisations to the political, economic, social and cultural life
and to resolution of issues of national or local interest, through their elected repre
sentatives in bodies of central or local public authorities. Each Contracting Party, in
making decisions on issues regarding the protection and advancement of national
identity of these persons, shall consult with their organisations, political parties or
associations, according to this democratic decision-making procedures stipulated
by law.
(6) The Contracting Parties respect the cultural and historical heritage of na
tional minorities, support their efforts to protect historical monuments and sites
which preserve the culture and history of minorities and take adequate measures so
that in areas with mixed population citizens should be aware of the Romanian re
spective Hungarian values.
(7) The Parties shall respect the right of persons belonging to these minorities
to maintain free contact among them and across the borders with the citizens of
other states and the right to participate in the activities of national and international
non-governmental organizations.
(8) The Contracting Parties recognize that, in exercising the rights referred to
in the article herein, any person belonging to a minority shall observe, as any other
citizen of the respective state, the national legislation and the rights of others. These
persons shall enjoy the same rights and shall have the same obligations as all other
citizen of the country they live in.
(9) The Contracting Parties, without infringing upon measures taken within
their general integration policies, shall refrain from any policy or practice with the
purpose to assimilate the persons belonging to national minorities against their will
and shall protect these persons against any action which aims at such assimilation.
They shall also refrain from measures which, by altering the proportion of popula-
Vol. 1966, 1-33604
1997 United Nations — Treaty Series • Nations Unies — Recueil des Traités 109
tion in areas inhabited by persons belonging to national minorities are directed
against the rights and freedoms which result from international standards and norms
mentioned in paragraph 1 of this article.
(10) The Parties shall support each other in monitoring the implementation of
the provisions mentioned in this article. To this end, during the periodic consul
tations mentioned in article 5 of this Treaty, the Parties shall also examine issues of
their bilateral cooperation regarding national minorities as they result from the en
forcement of the hereby Treaty and shall create an inter-governmental Commit
tee made of experts. They shall cooperate in the adequate unfolding of Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe and Council of Europe procedures, which
verify the fulfilment of commitments regarding the protection of national minorities,
as defined in the documents of these organizations, to which the Parties have sub
(11) The Contracting Parties shall cooperate in order to develop the interna
tional legal framework for the protection of national minorities. They agree to en
force as part of the hereby Treaty, the provisions of international documents by
virtue of which they shall also assume other obligations regarding the advancement
of the rights of persons belonging to national minorities.
(12) None of the commitments contained in this article can be interpreted as
implying any right to undertake any activity or action against the purposes and
principles of the United Nations Charter, of other obligations resulting from interna
tional law or of the provisions of the Final Act of Helsinki and of the Paris Charter
of Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, including the principle of
territorial integrity of states.
Article 16
The Contracting Parties shall develop their cooperation

State Secretary Bogdan Aurescu on a visit to Republic of Hungary

Press release


In that context the Romanian side made a review of the stage of compliance with the recommendations in the Protocol of the Committee’s 7th Session, signed on July 14th, 2009, and proposed that the Hungarian side engage in a similar endeavor so that progress recorded by the time the Committee meets can be evaluated.

Also, State Secretary Bogdan Aurescu presented the main issues facing the Romanian minority in the Republic of Hungary: the impact of the ethno-business phenomenon, especially in the context of upcoming elections on October 3rd, 2010, on the self-governments of national minorities, the state of funding for the Romanian-language mass-media, the state of Romanian-tuition education, the issue of Parliament representation and the need to repair the churches of the Romanian Orthodox Bishopric in the Republic of Hungary.

Hungary's president on an official visit to Romania

Date: 19-10-2010

 Basescu: We want Romanian minority in neighboring countries to have autonomy given Romania's minorities
President Traian Basescu on Monday voiced hope that Romania's neighboring states will offer the ethnic Romanians the same rights that Romania offers its minorities and he stressed, in a common declaration for reporters with visiting Hungarian President Pal Schmitt, that the Romanian Culture Ministry has been entrusted to ethnic Hungarian Kelemen Hunor.

Schmitt answered that Budapest will give the Romanian minority in Hungary the same rights it enjoys in Romania.'Yes, in Hungary too we will give the citizens of Romanian nationality the rights they enjoy here. We already have laws, for example a measure that all 13 minorities will be represented by law in the Hungarian Parliament', Schmitt said.

Basescu announced that the Romanian Government has launched substantial measures to decentralise the education and the health care system, thus offering a high degree of autonomy to the local communities. Basescu underscored Romania aims to set up the communities' autonomy from the Government, not to set up regional autonomy.

He explained that the future education law, for which the Government is to call a vote of confidence, offers the local communities more autonomy from the central authority with respect to school management.

'The children are free to choose the language they learn in. They can learn in Romanian, Hungarian, Ukrainian, German - it is their option. Moreover, the new education law also establishes the transfer of the schools to the local administrations, while a third of the administration boards will be made up of teachers, a third of local administration representatives and a third will be made up of the parents' representatives', Basescu explained.

The Hungarian President thanked his Romanian counterpart for the openness he showed toward the ethnic minorities' issue and he urged the Hungarian community in Romania to be good Romanian citizens.

The Euromosaic study; Romanian in Hungary

1. General information

1.1 The language

Romanian is a Romance language that, together with the now extinct Dalmatian, belongs to the group of Balkan Romance languages. It is spoken worldwide by about 27 million people, most of whom (approx. 20.4 million) live in Romania. The Romanian language variants in Hungary vary from settlement to settlement. A distinction is usually made between two major groups. The first group includes variants spoken in the villages of Békés (with just one exception) and Csongrád counties. The other includes the variants of all minority villages in Hajdú-Bihar, and that of Méhkerék (Békés county). Besides several phonetic and lexical differences the most significant difference between the two dialect groups is seen in the divergent form of the conjunctive. Apart from the existence of these two broader groups, variation also exists within settlements, along a scale that has Standard Romanian at one end and an archaic local variant of the language at the other.

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1.2 History, geography and demography

The ancestors of the Hungary Romanians came to Hungary in several waves. Most of them, however, settled between 1700 and 1750, after the Turks were expelled from Hungary. As a consequence of the Treaty of Trianon (1920), the Romanian communities in Hungary were isolated from the millions of Transylvanian Romanians and left on their own as a small ethnic group.

Most of the Romanians currently living in Hungary can be found in nearly twenty settlements near the Hungarian-Romanian border, in the three south-eastern counties of Hungary: Békés, Hadjú-Bihar and Csongrád. A considerable number of Romanians live in the city of Budapest. The cultural centre of Hungarian Romanians is the city of Gyula (Békés county).

The number of people belonging to the Romanian national minority is estimated between 7,995 (according to provisional results of the 2001 census) and 25,000 (according to figures from minority organisations, see the country profile on Hungary). Of the people declaring themselves as belonging to the Romanian national minority in the 2001 census about 9% belong to the age group ‘0-14’, about 44% to the age group ‘15-39’, about 27% to the age group ‘40-59’ and about 19% to the age group ‘60+’. Of the 38% Romanians that according to the 2001 census are economically active about 8% work in the primary, 15% in the secondary and 46% in the tertiary sector.

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1.3 Legal status and official policies

Information on the legal status of Romanian and of official policies affecting Romanian in Hungary can be found in section 4 of the country profile.

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2. Presence and use of the language in various fields

2.1 Education

In the school year 1999/2000 there were 14 pre-primary Romanian schools. The Romanian native language pre-primary schools (first type of minority pre-school education, see section 4 of the country profile) had an enrolment of 130 pupils; the bilingual pre-primary schools (second type of minority pre-school education, see section 4 of the country profile) had 417 pupils. In the same school year 14 schools offered primary Romanian education. 427 pupils attended native language primary schools (first type of minority primary education, see section 4 of the country profile), 188 pupils attended bilingual primary schools (second type of minority primary education, see section 4 of the country profile) and 583 pupils enrolled in Romanian language teaching education (third type of minority primary education, see section 4 of the country profile). Secondary education in Romanian took place at one school offering native language or bilingual instruction, and at two schools offering Romanian language teaching. 129 pupils attended native language or bilingual classes in grammar school and 128 attended Romanian language teaching classes in grammar school. In the academic year 1999/2000, 102 students studied Romanian in institutions of higher education. In the academic year 2000/2001 28 students were granted scholarships by the Hungarian government to study in Romania. Nursery-school pedagogue training for Romanian is offered at Tessedik Sámuel College Brunszvik Teréz College Faculty of Nursery-school Pedagogue Training in Szarvas. Primary school teacher training is offered at Tessedik Sámuel College, College Faculty of Pedagogy in Szarvas. Secondary school language teachers are trained at the Szeged University of Arts and Sciences Juhász Gyula Teacher Training College Faculty in Szeged. Thanks to its linguistic and ethnographic research work, the Research Institute of Romanians in Hungary, set up in 1993, provides useful input for minority education programmes.

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2.2 Judicial authorities

General information on this issue is given in section 4 of the country profile.

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2.3 Public authorities and services

General information on this issue is given in section 4 of the country profile.. In case of the Romanian minority the Second Report of the Republic of Hungary on the Implementation of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (February 2004) states that in Magyarcsanád (Csongrád County), the verbal use of minority languages (Romanian and Serbian) is regular in relations with the administration. In Békés County an information brochure in Romanian is distributed in the town of Gyula and the neighbouring settlements with Romanian population (Körösszakál, Körösszegapáti) thus pointing to the use of Romanian in matters related to public administration. Still, information on the use of Romanian in public administration should not be generalised. In 2003, the Minorities Office assigned the Research Institute of Romanians in Hungary to carry out an overall evaluation in Méhkerék, a village near the Hungarian-Romanian border that can be considered a central settlement of the Romanian minority in Hungary. The research was aimed at the overall analysis of the minority language use in all fields of the settlement’s life. In the settlement with 2,500 inhabitants the overwhelming majority of the local inhabitants are Hungarian citizens who belong to the Romanian nationality group and whose native language is Romanian. All members of the village’s self-government and the mayor are also Romanian. Nevertheless, local inhabitants use their native language when managing public affairs ever more rarely.

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2.4 Mass media and information technology

State-funded printed media controlled by the Cultural Association of Romanians in Hungary and the Romanian Minority National Self-Government include Foaia Romaneasca (1,000 copies are distributed), Cronica (a monthly, 1,000 copies), Lumina (500 copies) and Izvorul (500 copies). The Calendarul Romanesc (1,500 copies), Almanach (500 copies) and Szimpozion (500 copies) are published once a year. Since 1976, about 30 books have been published in Romanian (ranging from poetry and novels to school books, children’s books and religious books). In 2001, four books were published and in 2002, eight were published. Since 1992, The Romanian Publishing House in Hungary produces independent publications of fiction and scientific works by Romanian authors living in Hungary. Romanian books can be consulted in local libraries.

Hungarian public radio transmits a daily regional Romanian programme of 90 minutes and a daily country-wide programme of 30 minutes. The national programme is broadcast between 6:30 p.m. and 10:30 p.m. The regional programme is broadcast in the morning as well as in the afternoon. The Romanian programmes are produced at the regional studio in Szeged. It was reported that Romanian radio stations (from the cities of Timisoara, Oradea or Bucuresti) can be picked up in the territory of the Romanians in Hungary. Information on the extent to which private local Hungarian radio stations transmit Romanian programmes could not be obtained.

Hungarian public television weekly broadcasts a 26-minute Romanian programme entitled Ecranul nostru. The broadcasting takes place between 2 p.m. and 3 p.m. on workdays on Channel 1 of the Hungarian television. The programme is repeated on Saturday morning on satellite Channel 2. The Romanian programmes are produced in the studio in Szeged. Information on the existence of private local Hungarian Romanian television could not be obtained.

At the end of 2003 five websites operated by the Romanians in Hungary were present on the internet. Links to several Romanian organisations and institutions are given on (see section 4 of the country profile for general information on the situation of the new media in the case of Hungary’s minorities)

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2.5 Arts and Culture

Since the 1980s several new local cultural associations have been established. Their task is to reinforce Romanian ethnic identity and cultivate the Romanian language and culture. The traditional folk culture of the Romanian minority is preserved by traditional ensembles. Some Romanian dance ensembles are known across the country. In some schools and villages local amateur theatre groups are active. Anthropologists and museologists from the Romanian minority take care of the relics of the material and intellectual folk culture. Romanian central museums operate in Békéscsaba and Gyula. Kétegyháza has a Romanian folk house. Important organisations are the Cultural Association of Romanians in Hungary, the Association of Romanian Researchers and Creators in Hungary, the ‘Pro Musica’ Foundation and the Hungarian Foundation for Romanian Culture.

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2.6 The business world

General information on this issue is given in section 4 of the country profile.

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2.7 Language use in family and society

Whereas in the 1990 census 8,730 people declared Romanian to be their mother tongue only 8,482 did so in the 2001 census. Although census figures have to be treated with great caution (section 3 of the country profile) this relatively small decline of 2.8% seems to indicate that the assimilation of the Romanians to the Hungarian language still continues. In any case most Romanians in Hungary are Hungarian-Romanian bilinguals. The majority of the oldest generation and a small part of the middle-aged generation can be considered Romanian-dominant bilinguals. Hungarian-dominant bilinguals belong mainly to the younger generation. Bilingualism can be considered a transitory stage between Romanian and Hungarian monolingualism. At present, a minor part of the Romanian community, mainly the younger generation, can be considered Hungarian monolingual. Bilingualism among Romanians in Hungary results from the post-war border modifications of 1920. Between the two World Wars, the assimilationist tendencies on the part of the Hungarian majority elicited an emotion of solidarity (Gal 1991) in the Romanian minority, causing an increase in loyalty towards their minority language. Following World War II, however, in the Hungary Romanian minority, solidarity and loyalty towards their own minority group declined. Since the 1950s, the Romanians in Hungary have established stronger contact with the Hungarian majority and have modified their attitudes and emotions towards their own Romanian minority culture and language. The attitude of Hungarians towards the Hungary Romanian minority and their language is mostly neutral or negative. The prestige of the Romanian language variants spoken in Hungary is low among the Romanians of Romania. It is doubtful whether bilingualism among Hungarian Romanians is accompanied by diglossia. The situation cannot be described as diglossia, because neither the Romanian language variants nor the Hungarian language have clearly distinguishable functions.. If they are used at all, Romanian variants (symbolising the past, the hard peasant life, backwardness and lack of education) are used in conversations within family, between friends and neighbours, during Orthodox religious services, at meetings, in Romanian language classes. Hungarian Romanians, however, more often tend to use Hungarian, that they regard as symbolizing the present and the future, that is, modern life, educational opportunities and careers.

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2.8 The European dimension

On 19 October 2001 the Hungarian-Romanian Intergovernmental Joint Commission for Active Co-operation and Partnership held its 4th session. At that occasion a Protocol and Recommendations concerning the respective situation and unresolved problems of the Romanian minority in Hungary and the Hungarian minority in Romania were signed. The National Self-government of the Romanians living in Hungary cooperates with the State University operating in Arad, Romania, in regular retraining of pedagogue teaching in Romanian minority schools in Hungary.

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3. Conclusion

With a membership estimated between 7,995 (2001 census) and 25,000 (minority organisations) the Romanian minority is one of the smallest Hungarian minorities. The Romanians, whose predecessors settled in Hungary mainly in the early 18th century, have largely assimilated to Hungarian. Romanian is used in the media as well as in some cultural organisations, but the actual frequent daily use of Romanian is restricted to an aged minority within the minority. Attempts are being made to reverse Romanian-Hungarian language shift by establishing Romanian native language schools or Romanian-Hungarian bilingual schools as allowed by the Education Act. If these initiatives are to boost the intergenerational transmission and the use of Romanian in everyday life within the Romanian community again, they will have to be accompanied by other coordinated measures in different areas of the lives of the Romanian minority. Despite the sophisticated Minorities Act such measures have yet to be set up. A lack of funding, the apparent gap between the legal framework and the actual implementation of the legal provisions in the field and the convictions of some minority members that Romanian culture and identity can survive without the Romanian language seem to be the main reasons for this.



Hungary: Romanian and Hungarian Ministers of Foreign Affairs discuss Hungarian citizenship law 
Tuesday, 29 June 2010 13:12 
By EUDO CITIZENSHIP research collaborator Andrei Stavila

19 June 2010

According to Romania’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Teodor Baconschi Romania wants to be sure that the application of Hungary’s new citizenship law respects international agreements as well as ‘the spirit and the letter of international law’.

Baconschi said Hungary’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Janos Martonyi had assured him ‘that Budapest will apply all amendments to the citizenship law in such a manner that discrimination on ethnic grounds and any form of mass acquisition of citizenship will be avoided’, said Baconschi after meeting with his Hungarian counterpart.

Teodor Baconschi also declared that it is possible that soon Romanians in Hungary will have a representative in the Hungarian Parliament. ‘Martonyi also told me that there is a project for the reform of the Hungarian state in the direction of a parliament with fewer members and gave me two good news for the Romanian community in Hungary – the possibility of having soon a representative in the Hungarian Parliament, as well as the examination of the possibility of declaring the Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary a historical Church’, said the Romanian Minister. He added that this measure would improve ‘the legal condition and social visibility’ of the Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary.

These remarks were made in the context of an official visit of Minister Martonyi to Romania on 19 June.

Source: Mediafax online (in Romanian)


La Muzeul Kiscelli din Budapesta.
Muzeul Kiscelli din Budapesta găzduieşte, până pe 30 mai, 2011 expoziţia "Icoana pe sticlă...timp de credinţă în spaţiul Transilvaniei" organizată de Institutul Cultural Român din capitala Ungariei. 33 de icoane pe sticlă de secol XIX din tezaurul României sunt oferite publicului ungar de Muzeul Astra din Sibiu în întâmpinarea Sărbătorilor Pascale ortodoxe şi catolice. Cele 33 de icoane transilvănene, câte una pentru fiecare an al Mântuitorului, provin din sudul Ardealului şi se evidenţiază prin maniera picturală îngrijită, în continuarea tradiţiei bizantine riguroase în redarea drapajelor vestmintelor de sfinţi, în aranjarea cutelor, într-o multitudine de detalii vestimentare, toate caracteristice miniaturiştilor medievali.


Romanian Bishopric of Gyula






The Faith of Romanian Lands after 19s and 20s Century Wars

The Faith of Romanian Lands after 19s and 20s Century Wars

Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.


In 1867 the Principality of Transylvania lost its autonomy when it was integrated within Hungary in the context of the "dualist" organisation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Romania entered the First World War (1916) on the side of the Allied Powers, which supported the national objectives of the Romanians.
Towards the end of the First World War the general principles on the right of peoples to self-determination launched by the President of the United States of America, Woodrow Wilson, inspired the political movement of the Romanians of Transylvania, of Banat, in the North of Bukovina, and Bessarabia, which were again included in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Tsarist Empire respectively. In 1918, by the freely expressed will of the representative assemblies of the Romanians of those territories, the territories were united with Romania. On 27 March 1918, in Chisinau, the Parliament of Bessarabia voted in favour of union with Romania. Bessarabia covered an area of 44,422 km2 and had a population of 2,631,000 inhabitants, including 1,685,000 Romanians (64.0%), 287,000 Jews (10.2%), 254,000 Ukrainians (9.7%), 147,000 Bulgars (5.6%), 79,000 Germans (3.0%), 75,000 Russians (2.8%), 59,000 Kazakhs (2.2%) and 67,000 others (2.5%). On 28 November 1918, in Cernauti, the General Congress of Bukovina voted for the union of Bukovina with Romania; on 1 December 1918, at Alba Iulia (in Transylvania), in a Grand National Assembly, 1,228 elected delegates with full powers and an assembly of more than 100,000 Romanians from all areas of Transylvania decided in favour of the Union of Transylvania with Romania. The decision on union adopted in Alba Iulia was supported by the Saxons (Medias, 8 January 1919), the Swabians of Banat (Timisoara, 10 August 1919) and the Jewish population. The total population of Transylvania following the Union of 1 December 1918 was 5,545,475 inhabitants, including 3,207,438 Romanians (57.8%), 1,352,753 Magyars (24.4%), 543,767 Germans (9.8%), 178,333 Jews (3.2%) and 263,184 others (4.7%). A significant number of Romanians continued to live on the other side of the border, in Hungary, and also in the Serbo-Croato-Slovenian State.
Thus the unitary Romanian Nation State was formed.
- The peace treaties concluded in 1919-1920 (Trianon, Saint Germain-en-Laye, Neuilly-sur-Seine) established the new political situation in Central Europe, including the formation of the unitary Romanian Nation State.
At the same time as the Treaty of Trianon Romania signed the Treaty on Minorities (Paris, 9 December 1919), whereby it undertook to grant equal treatment, in law and in fact, to Romanian citizens belonging to ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities, who were also granted certain rights to primary education and required to learn Romanian.
Romania has met its obligations under the Treaty on Minorities.
Education in the languages of the national minorities was introduced within the State education system. Certain of the results of the agrarian reform in 1921 were enjoyed by Romanian peasants and also by Szekels, Magyars, Saxons, Ruthenians etc. Persons belonging to national minorities enjoyed freedom of conscience and the right to freedom of expression, the right to education and the right of association.
- 9 - ACFC/SR(1999)011
- In 1923 the new Constitution of Romania was adopted. This Constitution provided that "in Romania differences of religious belief, religious persuasion, ethnic origin or language shall not constitute an obstacle to the acquisition and exercise of civil rights" (Article 7). The Constitution specified that citizens, "without distinction based on ethnic origin, language or religion, shall enjoy freedom of conscience, freedom of education, the freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and all freedoms provided

 Persons belonging to minorities took an active part in public and cultural life in Romania between the wars.
- In June 1940, following the Ultimatum delivered by the USSR on the basis of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, Romania ceded Bessarabia and the North of Bukovina, which were occupied by the USSR.
By the so-called "Vienna arbitration" of 30 August 1940, decided by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, Romania was required to cede the north-west of Transylvania, where the relative majority of the population were Romanian, to Hungary.
The part given to Hungary by the Diktat covered an area of 43,492 km2 and had a population of 2,387,778 inhabitants (according to the figures of the 1930 Census), including 1,171,457 Romanians (49.1%), 912,098 Magyars (38.2%), 68,697 Germans (2.9%), 138,917 Jews (5.9%), 24,100 Ukrainians (1.0%), 18,527 Czechoslovaks (0.8%), 46,038 Gypsies (1.9%) and 7,952 inhabitants of other ethnic origins (0.03%).
In the part of Transylvania retained by Romania the total population was 3,162,426 inhabitants, including 2,036,346 Romanians (64.4%), 475,588 Germans (15.0%), 442,584 Magyars (14.0%), 62,118 Gypsies (2.0%), 39,936 Jews (1.3%), 28,559 Czechoslovaks (0.9%), 5.507 Ukrainians (0.2%) and 71,986 inhabitants of other ethnic origins (2.2%).
- In June 1941 Romania entered the war against the USSR.
- In August 1944 Romania joined the Allied Powers against the Axis Powers.
- In March 1945, under Soviet pressure, the first Communist-dominated Romanian Government was imposed, and on 30 December 1947 King Michael I was forced to abdicate. A Republic was proclaimed and a Communist dictatorship established.
- At the end of the Second World War the Treaty of Peace with Romania, signed in Paris on 10 February 1947 between the Allied and Associated Powers and Romania, expressly annulled the Vienna "Diktat" of 30 August 1940 and restored half the territory in the north of Transylvania to Romania.
- Under the Communist regime persons belonging to national minorities enjoyed rights in the sphere of education in their mother tongue and in that of culture and religion; they had representatives in Parliament and in the local organs of the State power, in the Government, Ministries and other institutions and in the governing organs of the Communist Party.
ACFC/SR(1999)011 - 10 -
The dramatic restriction of the exercise of civil, political, economic and social rights by Romanian citizens before 1989 affected Romanian citizens belonging to the majority population and Romanian citizens belonging to national minorities to the same extent. Those most affected by the restriction of certain rights in the spheres of education, access to the media etc were persons belonging to the numerically smallest minorities.
- After the December 1989 Revolution the rights of persons belonging to Romania's national minorities were significantly increased with the democratisation of Romanian society.
The new Constitution of Romania was adopted in 1991. It devotes an entire chapter to human rights and fundamental freedoms and contains provisions which guarantee persons belonging to national minorities the right to the preservation, expression and development of their ethnic, linguistic and religious identity. The constitutional provisions were accompanied by legislative and practical measures aimed at constantly furthering the rights of those persons.
- Romania's accession to the Council of Europe in October 1993 led to significant progress in the protection of human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to national minorities.
- On 1 February 1995 the Association Agreement between Romania and the European Union entered into force.
- The parliamentary elections in November 1996 led to the first democratic change of Government in Romania since the war. The coalition Government consisted of the parties which had previously been in opposition: the Democratic Convention, the Social-Democratic Union and the Democratic Union of Magyars of Romania. The candidate of the Democratic Convention, Mr Emil Constantinescu, was elected President of Romania.6.
According to the population census held on 7 January 1992, Romania has 22,760,449 inhabitants.
The ethnic composition of the population of Romania, based on the free consent of persons to disclose their ethnic origin, is as follows:
Ethnic origin
Magyar & Szekel
German, Swabian and Saxon
Russian - Lipoveni
- 11 - ACFC/SR(1999)011
Not stated
In 38 districts the population of Romanian ethnic origin is in the majority.
The distribution of the population throughout Romania according to ethnic origin is shown in the map in the Appendix.
7. In two districts in the centre of Romania, Covasna and Harghita, the population of Magyar ethnic origin is in the majority.
District of Covasna
Ethnic origin
Magyar and Szekel
Not stated
less than 0.1
District of Harghita
Ethnic origin
Magyar and Szekel
Not stated
less than 0.1
8. The Gross Domestic Product (GNP) per capita was 3,972 US dollars in 1997.
The average net wage in the economy reached approximately 110 US dollars in November 1998.
9. Romania was the first State to sign and notify the Council of Europe Framework
Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.

18th-20th centuries sources

  • Emperor Joseph the Second of Austria (1765-1790) tells us about the Romanians: “incontestably, the oldest and most numerous denizens of Transylvania.” [25]
  • Count Teleki, President of the Transylvanian Chancellery informs us in a document from 1791: “the Vlachs are the oldest inhabitants of Transylvania.” [25]
  • Hungarian historian András Huszti affirms, in his posthumous work, also dated 1791: “No other nation has a language as similar to Latin as the Vlachs. This is a sure sign which cannot deceive us that they are the followers of the old Roman colonies in Transylvania.” [25]
  • German academic Fr. Altheim affirmed: “Dacia, although home to a populace similar to Thracians, had chosen Romanization as opposed to Hellenization after the Roman Empire annexed the province. In Dacia, there seemed to have been a consistent choice made by its inhabitants to become Romans, something attested by consistent historical facts.” [25]
  • Mihály Cserei writes in the 17th century: “From Transylvania, people flee en masse to Moldova. I’ve tried everything to stop them, but nothing has worked.” [25]
  • József Benkő writes in 1777: “What remains of the Roman colonists who mixed with others are the Romanians.”
  • About the region of Fagaras, Antonio Possevino writes: “There are over 70 towns here, almost all of them completely populated by Romanians.” [25]
  • László Kőváry writes that before the 1848 revolution there were over a million Romanians in Transylvania and only 213,000 Hungarians, affirming that “you can travel for days and not hear a single person speaking Hungarian.” [25]
  • From András Huszti: "The offspring of the Dacians still live even today and live where their forefathers lived, and speak in a language similar to their forefathers." [25]
  • István Losontzy writes: “Transylvania, to the East of Hungary, was beforehand called Dacia... the Hungarian kings only ruled this land through Transylvanian voievods.” [25]
  • Szilagyi Sandor writes: “Transylvania and Hungary were never together, and were always two different countries... as Transylvania always looked to the Orient, due to the fact that the majority of the population was Orthodox Christian, while Hungary always looked Westward.” [25]
  • Gaspar Bojtinus, historian of Gabriel Bethlen, wrote of the union of Transylvania with the Romanian principalities in 1600 as “inevitabilis fatorum lex”, implying that they have always been the same soil with the same people.
  • Iosif Bánki (1764) writes: “so great is the number of Romanians that they easily outnumber all the other nations of Transylvania combined.” [25]
  • Maria Tereza writes in 1748 of Transylvania as “Our Romanian principality.” [25]
  • French academic V. Duruy considers the colonization of Dacia: “By far the largest colonial effort in ancient history!” [25]
  • The English historian Gibbon writes in “Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire” in 1777 that after the withdrawal of the Roman legions from Dacia, done by Aurelian, a significant part of the province’s population stayed behind, being more afraid of moving than of Gothic rule. Later, he adds “These people became a great nation” and then writes “The Vlachs preserve many elements from Latin, and they are proud of their Roman heritage. Even surrounded, they did not mix with the barbarians.”
  • The German historian Johann Thunmann writes “The Vlahs North of the Danube are brothers of those in Macedonia, descended from Thracians, which, under the name of Getai or Dacians played a crucial role in history. Under Roman rule they received the language and culture of the Romans and under Roman Emperor Caracalla, the right to citizenship, and called themselves Romans. We cannot confirm that Emperor Aurelian moved the whole population south of the Danube, especially considering so many of them have remained in a nation so big and mountainous... When the Hungarians arrived in 896, they found them in Transylvania and Pannonia, as affirmed by Annonymous, the notary of King Bela IV. The Vlahs have lived since antiquity in Wallachia and Moldova. [25]
  • Pavol Jozef Šafárik sustains that the Romanians could not have come from South of the Danube from the simple reason that they existed on both sides of the river continuously, “Both Vlach nations, on both sides of the Danube, had the same origins, from the mixture of Thracians and Getic tribes with the Romans.” [25]
  • German historian Scholtzer affirms that the Volochs in the chronicles of Nestor are Vlachs “These volochi are the offsprings of the ancient Thracians, Dacians, and Getai” [51]
  • Hungarian Gábor Fábián writes in the ethnography of Arad in 1835: “The Romanians are the oldest people here, and if it is true that they are the colonists of Dacia after Trajan’s conquest, then they can be considered as the aboriginals of this comitat”
  • Hungarian historian Theodor Lehoczky writes in 1890: “The regions from Northeastern Salaj were, without a doubt, inhabited by Romanians before the Magyar elements managed to penetrate into this region.” [25]
  • In the great memoirs presented by Hungary at the peace conference in 1920, the texts clearly attest: “The history of Transylvania from the death of Saint Stephen until the reign of Saint Ladislaus is shrowded in darkness.” [52]
  • The historian Mihály Horváth writes “Transylvania was populated by Romanians when the Hungarians first arrived in Pannonia. In Bihor was the dukedom of Menumorut, who had as his subjects Vlachs and Khazars, and in Banat Voievod Glad had an army composed entirely of Romanians. Erdely is led by Gelu at this time as well.” [25]
  • Hungarian historian G. Petrovay in 1911 writes “The Hungarian historical hypothesis in which the Romanians arrived in Transylvania in the 13th century does not logically patch there realities of Bereg and Maramures, because these regions had privileges which a people of pastoralists who immigrated slowly, as strangers and enemies, and were captured in battle; to send a captured enemy to guard your borders and land is complete nonsense.” (in " Szazadok, XLV -1911 , p. 607 -626 ) [25]
  • German historian Leopold von Ranke: “Dacia was organized into a Roman province. The indigenous Romanians give the name, even today, of “The path of Trajan” to the road which leads into Transylvania, and call Turnu Rosu “The Roman gate”. They are what remains of Trajan’s colonists brought into Dacia.” [53]
  • Hungarian F. Eckhart writes in Magyaroszág története, Budapest, 1933, pg 21 “We cannot believe that the Hungarians populated the entire Hungarian kingdom. Their numbers... were too small for something like that. The territories which Hungarians occupied matched the territory of Hungary after Trianon” [25]
  • Pope Innocent III (in a letter dated 1203): “Therefore we, who have been appointed by the will of God and Father, unworthy as we are, as vicars and successors of the Apostolic Sea, to prove by the force of facts our fatherly love for the Church of the Bulgarians and Romanians(Vlachs), who are said to be the descendents of the ROMANS, by their flesh and blood”


Hungarian Minority in Romania



 Romania Harta Ethnica 2002 

Bilingual Sign in Romanian Transylvania 

Hungarian minority in Romania

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ethnic composition of Romania. Localities with Hungarian majority or plurality are shown in dark green.
Hungarians in Transylvania
Localities in Transylvania where Hungarian has co-official status (> 20% of local population).The Hungarian minority of Romania is the largest ethnic minority in Romania, consisting of 1,434,377 people and making up 6.6% of the total population, according to the 2002 census.[1]

Most ethnic Hungarians of Romania live in areas that were, before the 1920 Treaty of Trianon, parts of Hungary. These areas are today known as Transylvania, where Hungarians make up about 20% of the population.[2] The region also includes the historic regions of Banat, Crişana and Maramureş. Hungarians form a large majority of the population in the counties of Harghita (84.6%) and Covasna (73.79%), and a large percentage in Mureş (39.3%), Satu Mare (35.22%), Bihor (25.91%), Sălaj (23.07%), Cluj (17.4%) and Arad (10.70%) counties.


Uniunea Democrata a Maghiarilor din Romania este un partid din coalitia actuala de guvernamant in Romania cu trei pozitii in cabinetul Boc:



Cultură, Kelemen Hunor


Sanatate,  Cseke Attila


Ministrul mediului, Borbély László

Documents of DAHR 10th Congress
2011. 3. 14.

Decree Concerning the 2011 Census

Position on the Basic Principles of the Romanian Reform of Economic Policies

The Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania Congress document recommendation on foreign affairs

Decision On Hungarian Diaspora Day

Democratic alliance of Hungarians in Romania - Congress draft document on economy

Position on preferential naturalization


Tags: Congress

Overwhelming support for the European Roma Strategy in the EP
2011. 3. 10.

DAHR’s Hungarian MEP from Transylvania, Csaba Sógor emphasized the importance of common responsibility in the solution of the Roma issue: „The issue of the Roma’s economic and social exclusion has been a subject of debate only since the accession of the new member states. But this doesn’t mean that the problem did not exist before. Although the relationship between Roma communities and their neighbors hasn’t always been peaceful, these tensions have only intensified since the fall of communism”. »

Tags: European Parliament, Sógor Csaba

The Permanent Council of the Alliance has met
2010. 5. 11.

The DAHR supports the agreement of Romania with the International Monetary Fund, but considers that the implementation of the foreseen measures will have the expected results only a true and deep economic reform will be elaborated as well. – underlined the Permanent Council of the Alliance after its meeting on Monday in Bucharest. The council decided that the DAHR will elaborate its own reform measures for the Romanian economy.
The PCA also decided to convoke the statutory meeting of the Cultural Autonomy Council for the end of May.

Tags: Permanent council

Hungarian sub-prefect in Arges County
2010. 4. 29.

At the cabinet meeting on Wednesday, in accordance with the proposals of the DAHR, the Romanian Prime Minister Emil Boc signed the nomination of Kálmán Zoltán, as sub-prefect of Arges County. »


The DAHR has undertaken change, reform and modernization
2010. 4. 27.

Trough its governmental activity the DAHR has undertaken not just the support of the activity of the local communities and administrations, but the change, reform and modernization as well. – declared Markó Béla deputy prime minister, at the meeting of the DAHR mayors in Targu Mures. »

Tags: DAHR, Government, Local government, Târgu Mureş/Marosvásárhely

2010. 4. 21.

Today the government adopted a proposal for the amendment of the constitution, including the result of the referendum of November 2009, and transmitted it to the president, to initiate the procedure for the amendment of the constitutions in accordance with article 150, paragraph 1 of the Constitution. »

Tags: Government

The new law on education stands for deep reform measures
2010. 4. 13.

The new law on education adopted on Monday morning by the cabinet in an extraordinary meeting, stands for the real and deep reform of the educational system - declared Markó Béla, DAHR president at the press conference held in Bucharest on Monday. »

Tags: Education

The enlargement of the minority rights would not harm the majority
2010. 3. 23.

- When a community asks or requests for some rights, they refer to the enlargement of the possibilities of the respective community, but this would not and should not harm the rights of others – declared Markó Béla DAHR president at the press conference held in Bucharest on Monday. »

Tags: Markó Béla, minority rights

We have to remember the fight for freedom of 1990 as well, not just that of 1848! - Nearly ten thousand people attended the central manifestations of the DAHR organized in Targu Mures.
2010. 3. 16.

- March 15 is one of the brightest and clearest moments of the Hungarian nation: today we have to remember not just the 162 years past from the revolution of 1848, but also another anniversary, of the events from twenty years ago in Targu Mures. »

Tags: Târgu Mureş/Marosvásárhely

Varga Gábor - director of the National Office of Inventions and Trademarks
2010. 3. 12.

Prime Minister Emil Boc signed the nomination of Varga Gábor as general director of the National Office of Inventions and Trademarks. The nomination appeared in the Official Journal no. 0159 on Friday, March 12, 2010.

Varga Gábor led the National Office between 1998 and March 2009, after that he worked as counselor at the same institution.


The DAHR president will request the declassification of the dossiers regarding the events of Targu Mures from 20 years ago
2010. 3. 12.

Markó Béla DAHR president will request that all dossiers containing information about the bloody events of 1990 in Targu Mures to be declassified. The president of the Alliance sustained this declaration at the press conference held in Bucharest on Thursday. »

Tags: Markó Béla, Târgu Mureş/Marosvásárhely

2010. 3. 9.

The Permanent Council of the DAHR met on March 9, 2010 in Bucharest.
The permanent Council of the Alliance has adopted the draft budget of the DAHR proposed by the executive president. »

Tags: DAHR, Permanent council

In the procedure of relieving the president of the senate, the DAHR will proceed in accordance with the standing orders
2010. 3. 7.

In the opinion of the DAHR it would be desirable that the presidents of the two houses of the parliament would represent the members of the governmental coalition, since in this situation the parliamentary work could become more efficient, and the government would not need to elaborate governmental degrees, or take responsibility for a law or bill. »

Tags: Markó Béla, Senate

Today, the Hungarian education is the most important goal
2010. 3. 7.

As in the past twenty years, the Hungarian school and the native language education is a permanent priority: in fact, even today there is no more important goal then expanding the frames of the Hungarian language education, and improving its quality. – declared Markó Béla, DAHR president after the meting held with the representatives and directors of the Hungarian schools. »

Tags: Education, Markó Béla

Veress Ödön Péter president of the managing council of the Constructions Supervising Inspectorate
2010. 3. 3.

Prime Minister Emil Boc signed the nomination of Veress Ödön Péter for the position of general inspector, president of the managing council of the Constructions Supervising Inspectorate. The decision appeared in the Official Journal no. 0137/03.03.2010.

Tags: Government

The DAHR supports the law on the public servants status
2010. 3. 3.

The DAHR proves its consistency when supporting the law on public servants status, since this bill means to reestablish the status of the leaders of the de-centralized institutions as public servants, and this way reestablishing a balance in the system. – declared Markó Béla, DAHR president at the press conference held in Bucharest on Tuesday. »

Tags: Markó Béla

The time for constitutional reform has come
2010. 2. 24.

The time for constitutional reform, for the modification of the constitution has come – declared Markó Béla, DAHR president at the press conference held in Bucharest on Thursday. He added, the parliamentary groups of the PD-L and the DAHR in the Chamber of Deputies have proposed the establishment of a committee, aiming the elaboration of the eventual constitutional modifications and supervising the process. »

Tags: Markó Béla

Partnership with the roma community
2010. 2. 23.

Any institution, project or strategy, aiming the improvement of the situation of the roma community could be efficient only if roma people will actively participate in their elaboration, implementation and overseeing, as well in the decision-making process. »

Tags: Markó Béla

Nagy József, chairman of the National Environment Protection Agency
2010. 2. 17.

Prime Minister Emil Boc signed the nomination of Nagy József as chairperson of the National Environment Protection Agency, in state secretary rank. The agency is under the supervision of the Ministry for Environment Protection.

The nomination appeared in the Official Journal no. 0105 on Tuesday.

Tags: Environment protection, Government

Takács Csaba is the appointed executive president of the DAHR
2010. 2. 13.

Trough its governmental activity, the DAHR would like to take responsibility for the elaboration of measures and policies for the wellbeing of the entire Romanian society, for overwhelming the damages caused by the financial crisis, and not just for the realization of the specific goals of the Hungarian minority. »

Tags: Takács Csaba


Right to Free Speach

VIDEO Csibi Barna, omul care l-a spânzurat pe Avram Iancu: „Nu sunt politician, sunt un golan"

  • Flavia Cistian

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  • Joi 17 mar 2011

 Csibi Barna (31 de ani) şi-a căpătat un renume prin formele sale extreme de protest faţă de români şi evrei

Foto: stelian grăjdan

Csibi Barna (31 de ani) şi-a căpătat un renume prin formele sale extreme de protest faţă de români şi evrei

Csibi Barna, tânărul care marţi a spânzurat în centrul oraşului Miercurea Ciuc o păpuşă care-l întruchipa pe Avram Iancu, este cercetat pentru instigare la discriminare. Formele sale de protest împotriva românilor stârnesc doar indignarea autorităţilor. Barna jonglează cu legea şi ştie unde să se oprească pentru a nu comite vreo infracţiune.


Citiţi şi: VIDEO Maghiarii extremişti l-au „ucis" pe Iancu

Csibi Barna (31 de ani) este cercetat penal de procurori pentru instigare la discriminare după ce, zilele trecute, a spânzurat o păpuşă care-l înfăţişa pe Avram Iancu. Gestul său nu a fost trecut cu vederea nici de organele de cercetare penală, nici de superiorii săi. Procurorii Parchetului de pe lângă Tribunalul Harghita s-au autosesizat miercuri.

Ieri, cazul tânărului a intrat în atenţia Comisiei de Disciplină din cadrul Direcţiei Generale a Finanţelor Publice (DGPF) Harghita, unde Csibi Barna este angajat la Serviciul de Inspecţie Fiscală-Persoane Juridice. Reprezentanţii DGPF Harghita spun că Csibi Barna a ajuns în vizorul Comisiei de Disciplină după ce, prin acţiunile sale, a adus atingere prestigiului instituţiei, chiar dacă ele au fost efectuate în afara orelor de program. În cel mai fericit caz, funcţionarul public s-ar putea alege doar cu o sancţiune administrativă, măsura cea mai drastică fiind desfacerea contractului de muncă.

Pe Aceeaşi Temă

A primit amenzi de 8.000 de lei

De-a lungul timpului, protestele lui Csibi Barna s-au finalizat doar cu amenzi, pe care funcţionarul public le-a contesat în instanţă şi de fiecare dată a câştigat. „Se situează întotdeauna la limita legii şi ştie când să se oprească. De când a început să protesteze, din 30 iulie 2009 şi până în prezent, Csibi Barna a primit trei amenzi, în valoare totală de 8.000 de lei, şi un avertisment. De asemenea, la sesizarea noastră, el a mai fost amendat de către Consiliul Naţional de Combatere a Discriminării cu suma de 1.000 de lei. Probabil că prin aceste acţiuni vrea să-şi adune simpatizanţi", a spus purtătorul de cuvânt al Jandarmeriei Harghita, locotenent colonel Daniel Hermenin.

„Nu sunt politician, sunt un golan"

„Cu Eminescu am făcut o acţiune literară", spune Csibi Barna, făcând referire la data de 26 ianuarie când a apărut în centrul oraşului cu portretul lui Mihai Eminescu pe care apărea semnul „Interzis", dar şi inscripţia „Nu la insultarea hunilor!". Tânărul spune că prin tot ceea ce face vrea să-şi exprime o opinie, garantată de Constituţie. „Omul are dreptul să vorbească despre lucrurile mai sensibile şi să-şi exprime opinia. Pentru mine, ceea ce fac eu reprezintă o implicare în viaţa publică. Nu sunt politician. Sunt un simplu cetăţean, un golan de cartier de pe strada Culmii, care simte că există o necesitate pentru adevăr", spune tânărul.

Barna afirmă că vrea să arate o altă latură a istoriei, necunoscută românilor, dar păstrată în conştiinţa maghiarilor. „Conform realităţii, românii erau ca şi sârbii. În timpul Revoluţiei Paşoptiste ei au exterminat trei oraşe maghiare. Avram Iancu are statuie, e considerat un erou naţional, dar a comis crime împotriva umanităţii şi genocid", susţine Csibi Barna.

Tânărul spune că nu se va opri aici, ci va continua cu noi acţiuni de protest. „Ştiu când va fi următoarea, dar nu mă deconspir. Vă spun doar că mi-au trezit interesul pădurile care au dispărut din judeţul Harghita", afirmă Csibi Barna.

Autorităţile nu au ce să-i facă

Primăria Miercurea Ciuc nu are ce să-i facă decât să-şi dea iar acordul pentru proteste. „Cererile lui sunt foarte bine puse la punct şi nu avem motive să ne opunem. Atunci când îi găsim ceva, îl refuzăm. De multe ori, cere autorizaţie pentru un lucru şi face altceva, iar noi aflăm după aceea ce s-a întâmplat", spune viceprimarul din Miercurea Ciuc, Antal Attila.


Autorităţile locale dezaprobă comportamentul lui Csibi Barna, dar spun că numai organele de cercetare penală sunt abilitate să ia măsuri. „Dezaprob în totalitate aceste acţiuni. Sunt de acord că fiecare are dreptul la liberă exprimare, dar până la a aduce atingere altor persoane. Acţiunea lui de a spânzura o păpuşă în faţa unor copii e ceva de neînţeles. Poate e un mod de a atrage atenţia asupra sa. Totuşi, organele competente trebuie să ia măsuri", a spus prefectul de Harghita, Lasylo Zsolt Ladanyi.

„Acestea sunt convingerile lui"

Vadim Tudor şi Csibi Barna au o pasiune comună: spânzurarea simbolică a duşmanilor, Băsescu, Udrea şi Avram Iancu (dreapta) Foto: Lucian Muntean

Contrar acţiunilor sale împinse până la extrem, Csibi Barna este un angajat calm, sociabil, care-şi duce la îndeplinire atribuţiile de serviciu, susţin şefii săi. „Ca inspector se poate spune că este dintre cei mai buni. Nu am avut probleme din punct de vedere al funcţionarului public şi nici al inspectorului fiscal. De multe ori l-am întrebat dacă îl plăteşte cineva să facă lucrurile acestea şi mi-a spus că nu, fiindcă acestea sunt convingerile lui", a spus un coleg de-a lui Csibi Barna, Levay Gabor, şef Serviciu Coorodnare din cadrul DGFP Harghita.

Ce studii are Csibi Barna

Csibi Barna a absolvit Liceul Teoretic „Martin Aron" din Miercurea Ciuc, profil Informatică. A terminat liceul în 1998, cu media 9.00, apoi a urmat cursurile Academiei de Studii Economice din Cluj-Napoca. Are 31 de ani şi nu este căsătorit.

Cum a devenit cunoscut

- Csibi Barna este membru fondator al Asociaţiei de Cultură şi Tradiţii „Garda Secuiască", neînregistrată juridic. A devenit cunoscut prin forme extreme de protest faţă de români şi evrei.

- 6 aprilie 2010. Csibi Barna şi alţi doi membri ai „Gărzii Secuieşti" au pus pe un panou din lemn, în faţa unui supermarket din Miercurea Ciuc, un afiş în limba maghiară: „Ruşine să-ţi fie, iar ai cumpărat de la evrei".

- 5 octombrie 2010. Csibi Barna a depus la Primăria Miercurea Ciuc un proiect privind organizarea unui referendum pentru schimbarea denumirii „Miercurea Ciuc" în „Csíkszereda".

- 26 ianuarie 2011. Csibi Barna a apărut în centrul oraşului cu portretul lui Mihai Eminescu pe care apărea inscripţia: „Nu la insultarea hunilor!". „Garda Secuiască" doreşte să-l scoată pe Eminescu din nomenclatorul străzilor din Miercurea Ciuc.

- 15 martie 2011. Barna a oferit un „spectacol" de zile mari, în care Avram Iancu a fost judecat şi condamnat la moarte prin spânzurare de către un tribunal, fiind acuzat de crimă împotriva umanităţii şi genocide.

"Acţiunea lui de a spânzura o păpuşă în faţa unor copii e ceva de neînţeles. Poate e un mod de a atrage atenţia asupra sa."

Lasylo Zsolt Ladanyi

prefect de Harghita

Extremistul Csibi Barna: "Vreau un stat nou - Ţinutul Secuiesc"

Autor: Mihai Şoica

Extremistul maghiar Csibi Barna a recidivat din nou şi a spus luni seară, la RTV, că doreşte crearea unui stat nou, fiind nemulţumit de România.

"Nu doresc să emigrez. Eu nu sunt deloc mulţumit de România, de asta vreau un stat nou, Ţinutul Secuiesc", a spus Barna.

Curajul lui Barna a prins aripi după ce autorităţile publice de la Alba Iulia şi de la Bucureşti s-au temut de izbucnirea unor incidente interetnice dacă Barna ar fi ajuns la Abrud, aşa după cum scria în ordinul de detaşare semnat de şeful ANAF, Sorin Blejnar. Barna este funcţionar public şi inspector în cadrul Serviciului Control Fiscal din cadrul Direcţiei Generale a Finanţelor Publice Harghita. El fusese "pedepsit" ca următoarele şase luni de zile să le petreacă la Percepţia Fiscală Abrud, după ce, de Ziua maghiarilor de pretutindeni, l-a "spânzurat" simbolic pe Avram Iancu.

Barna trebuia să îşi înceapă noul serviciul încă de ieri, dar conducerea Direcţiei Judeţene a Finanţelor Publice Alba Iulia a preferat să îl lase în concediu de odihnă, în loc să îl trimită la Abrud, acolo unde 400 de români s-au adunat în faţa Bisericii Reformate din oraş şi au protestat împotriva deciziei de la Bucureşti.

Csibi Barna va contesta decizia de detaşare

Curajul extremistului maghiar Csibi Barna s-a topit la primele ore ale dimineţii de luni. Deşi a respectat ordinul de detaşare şi a mers la Direcţia Generală a Finanţelor Publice Alba pentru a primi instrucţiunile necesare cu privire la mutarea la Finanţele din Abrud, localitate unde a copilărit Avram Iancu, Barna a anunţat că şi-a luat concediu de odihnă. Deşi ordinul de detaşare este clar, din cauza manifestaţiilor organizate la Abrud, conducerea Direcţiei Generale a Finanţelor Publice Alba ( DGFP Alba) a luat în discuţie posibilitatea ca Csibi Barna să lucreze la Alba Iulia şi nu în oraşul din inima Munţilor Apuseni.

Csibi Barna a venit la DGFP Alba luni dimineaţă şi a avut o scurtă discuţie cu directorul instituţiei, Marius Zinca. La scurt timp, Barna a anunţat că nu va mai merge la Abrud deorece şi-a luat concediu de odihnă pentru următoarele 21 de zile. Extremistul a negat că şi-ar fi luat concediu medical. "Nici măcar nu sunt bolnav. În 21 de zile se pot întâmpla multe", a spus acesta, fără a da amănunte.

"Discuţia pe care am avut-o cu domnul director al Direcţiei de Finanţe Alba este secretă. Ce voi face în perioada următoare depinde de multe, dar şi de comisia de disciplină de la ANAF şi de ce decizie va lua. Acum sunt în concediu de odihnă şi din moment ce este legal nu am ce să zic. Eu am cerut acest concediu. Pe urmă mă voi întoarce la noul meu loc de muncă. Concediul are 21 de zile. Voi depune şi o contestaţie împotriva deciziei directorului ANAF de a mă detaşa la Abrud. Mi s-a pus în faţă un dosar de presă şi din câte am citit acolo îmi dau seama că s-a făcut o legătură nu tocmai profesională între actul privind libera mea exprimare făcut în timpul meu liber şi această detaşare. Ceea ce vreau să vă spun este că detaşarea nu este o măsură disciplinară conform legii funcţionarului public", a declarat Csibi Barna.

Extremistul a mai spus că pentru manifestaţia de la Alba Iulia, când l-a "spânzurat" pe Avram Iancu, avut aprobare de la Primăria Miercurea Ciuc.

 Kelemen Hunor: Gestul lui Csibi Barna nu reprezintă comunitatea maghiară

Autor: Mihai Şoica

Prezent la Cluj, Kelemen Hunor, preşedintele UDMR, a declarat că gestul făcut la începutul săptămânii de extremistul Csibi Barna - l-a "ucis" simbolic pe Avram Iancu - nu reprezintă comunitatea maghiară.


Pe de altă parte, ministrul şi-a exprimat îngijorarea faţă de "reapariţia în parlamentul de la Bucureşti a discursurilor naţionaliste şi antimaghiare".

  • Citeşte AICI declaraţiile la care face referire Kelemen Hunor

Ungurul Csbi Barna, detaşat unde a copilărit Avram Iancu

Extremistul Csibi Barna, care de Ziua maghiarilor de pretutindeni l-a spânzurat simbolic pe Avram Iancu, a fost detaşat pentru şase luni de zile la Percepţia Fiscală Abrud, judeţul Alba. Csibi Barna este funcţionar public şi inspector în cadrul Serviciului Control Fiscal din cadrul Direcţiei Generale a Finanţelor Publice Harghita.

Decizia de detaşare este imediată, urmând ca Csibi Barna să se prezinte pentru şase luni să lucreze la Abrud, locul unde a copilărit Avram Iancu. Oraşul se află în mijlocul Munţilor Apuseni, la câţiva kilometri de comuna care îi poartă numele lui Avram Iancu.

Potrivit unui site maghiar din Harghita, Csibi Barna a anunţat că se va prezenta la noul său loc de muncă şi că nu se gândeşte să îşi dea demisia.



Vienna Nazi and Horthyist Diktat


"Territorial determination – cession of territories – question of the areas to be ceded by Romania to Hungary – modalities of transfer.

Nationality – Romanian subjects domiciled in territory ceded to Hungary immediately acquire Hungarian citizenship – option to acquire Romanian citizenship and leave ceded territory – compensation for unliquidated immoveable property.

Nationality – Romanian subjects of Hungarian descent domiciled in territory ceded to Romania by Hungary in 1919 and which remains Romanian have right to opt for Hungarian nationality within six months."

File:Northern Transylvania yellow.png

The Vienna Diktat gave Hungary a large chunk of Transylvania, with more Romanian inhabitants than Hungarians. ...

Vienna Awards
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Vienna Awards are two arbitral awards by which arbiters of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy sought to enforce peacefully the claims of Hungary on territory it had lost in 1920 when it signed the Treaty of Trianon. The First Vienna Award occurred in 1938 and the Second in 1940.

The awards sanctioned Hungary's annexation of territories in present-day Slovakia, Ukraine and Romania which Hungary had sought to regain in the period between the two World Wars.

They are also known by various such names, such as the Vienna Arbitration Awards, Vienna Arbitral Awards, Viennese Arbitrals, Viennese Arbitrages, which are all variation of the same and express no different value judgement on its content. There is, however, also the substantially different name Vienna Diktats, expressing the point of view of the countries which stood to lose territory as a result.

Second Vienna Award
Romania, with Northern Transylvania highlighted in yellow.
By this award, Germany and Italy compelled Romania to cede half of Transylvania (an area henceforth known as Northern Transylvania) to Hungary on 30 August 1940. This decision was taken not so much to do justice as to win Hungary for German war aims.[citation needed] In reversing a major element of the Treaty of Trianon, it, like Trianon, granted a multiethnic area to another country, caused massive migration of populations from both sides, and sundered old socioeconomic units.

In addition to the Second Vienna Award, on 7 September 1940 the Cadrilater or "Quadrilateral" (southern Dobrudja) was given by Romania to Bulgaria under the Treaty of Craiova. It had been part of Romania since 1913, after Bulgaria's defeat in the Second Balkan War.

The awards were overturned following the defeat of Germany in 1945, and Hungary lost again all of the territory it had gained but not Bulgaria.


Recollections of a Romanian diplomat, 1918-1969: diaries and ..., Volume 1, By Raoul V. Bossy


Award relating to the Territory ceded by Romania to Hungary
30 August 1940
VOLUME XXVIII pp. 407-412
Copyright (c) 2007
Award relating to the Territory
ceded by Romania to Hungary
Decision of 30 August 1940
Sentence arbitrale relative au territoire cédé par la Roumanie à la Hongrie
Décision du 30 août 1940

Territorial determination – cession of territories – question of the areas to be ceded by Romania to Hungary – modalities of transfer.
Nationality – Romanian subjects domiciled in territory ceded to Hungary immediately acquire Hungarian citizenship – option to acquire Romanian citizenship and leave ceded territory – compensation for unliquidated immoveable property.
Nationality – Romanian subjects of Hungarian descent domiciled in territory ceded to Romania by Hungary in 1919 and which remains Romanian have right to opt for Hungarian nationality within six months.
Délimitation territoriale – cession de territoires – question des secteurs devant être cédés par la Roumanie à la Hongrie – modalités du transfert.
Nationalité – acquisition immédiate de la citoyenneté hongroise par les ressortissants roumains domiciliés sur le territoire cédé à la Hongrie – option pour acquérir la citoyenneté roumaine et quitter le territoire cédé – compensation pour un bien immobilier non revendu.
Nationalité – option offerte aux ressortissants roumains de descendance hongroise domiciliés dans le territoire cédé à la Roumanie par la Hongrie en 1919, d’opter pour la nationalité hongroise dans un délai de six mois.
* * * * *
AWARD. Territory ceded by Roumania to Hungary. —
Vienna, August 30, 1940
THE Roumanian and Hungarian Governments have addressed themselves to the Reich Government and to the Italian Government with the request that they should determine by an arbitral award the question at issue between Roumania and Hungary of the territory to be ceded to Hungary. It is officially stated that, on the basis of this request and on the basis of the declaration made by the Roumanian and Hungarian Governments in connexion with this request that they would regard such an arbitral award as final and binding, the
∗ Reprinted from British and Foreign State Papers, Compiled by the Librarian and Keeper of the Papers, Foreign Office, vol. 144, London, 1952, H. M. Stationery Office, p.417.
∗∗ Reproduit de British and Foreign State Papers, Compiled by the Librarian and Keeper of the Papers, Foreign Office, vol. 144, London, 1952, H. M. Stationery Office, p.417.
Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs Ribbentrop, and the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs Count Ciano have, after repeated discussions with the Roumanian Minister for Foreign Affairs Manoilescu and the Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs Count Csáky to-day in Vienna, made the following arbitral awards: —
1. The frontier traced on the attached map∗ shall be the final and definitive frontier between Roumania and Hungary. The precise delimitation of the frontier shall be carried out on the spot by a joint Roumanian-Hungarian Commission.
2. The Roumanian territory which is to be ceded to Hungary shall be evacuated by the Roumanian troops within a period of fourteen days and handed over to Hungary in good order. The precise stages of the evacuation and occupation and the manner in which they shall proceed shall be determined forthwith by a Roumanian-Hungarian Commission. The Roumanian and Hungarian Governments shall see to it that the evacuation and occupation take place in a peaceable and orderly manner.
3. All Roumanian subjects who are to-day domiciled in the territory to be ceded to Hungary shall immediately acquire Hungarian citizenship. They are entitled within a period of six months to opt for Roumanian citizenship. Persons availing themselves of this right of option must leave Hungarian territory within a further period of one year and will be accepted by Roumania. They may take their movable property with them. They may furthermore liquidate their immovable property and take the proceeds with them. If it does not prove possible to liquidate the property they shall be compensated by Hungary. Hungary will deal with all matters appertaining to the transfer of optants in a generous and conciliatory manner.
4. Roumanian subjects of Hungarian race who are domiciled in territory which was ceded to Roumania by Hungary in 1919 and which now remains Roumanian have the right to opt for Hungarian nationality within six months. The principles laid down in paragraph 3 shall be applicable to persons who make use of this right of option.
5. The Hungarian Government formally undertakes that persons who have acquired Hungarian nationality as a result of this arbitral award but who are of Roumanian race shall be treated in exactly the same manner as other Hungarian subjects. The Roumanian Government gives the same under taking in respect of Roumanian subjects of Hungarian race who remain in Roumanian territory.
6. The settlement of other questions arising out of the change of sovereignty shall be achieved by direct negotiations between the Roumanian and Hungarian Governments.
∗ Secretariat note: The map is not reproduced herein.
7. In the event of any difficulties or doubts arising out of the putting into effect of this arbitral award the Roumanian and Hungarian Governments shall enter into direct negotiations. Should they fail to reach agreement in regard to any question, it shall be referred to the Reich Government and the Italian Government for a final decision.

Diplomatic Conflict of 1980's

The Anatomy of a Historical Conflict: Romanian-Hungarian Diplomatic Conflict in the 1980's

 Romanian-Hungarian historiographical polemics

Historiography played a major role in the process of state and nation building in Eastern Europe (Seton-Watson, 1922), a conclusion enforced by the students of the Hungarian and Romanian case. Historicism, that is the important role played by the historiography in building the nation and creating national symbols is a general characteristic of Eastern Europe's nationalism. But in the communist period, historiography was also the main ideological battlefield and a direct source of legitimacy for political power (Verdery 1991); ideas about nation and identity were produced and reproduced in historiography as central political elements. In the Romanian-Hungarian conflict, historians were responsible for myth making. National utopias and ideals of the Romanians and the Hungarians are overlapping, having Transylvania as the common ground, considered as having made a crucial contribution to the autonomous survival of both nations: Hungarians consider that in Transylvania, the Hungarian culture and the Hungarian political elite could survive and perpetuate themselves in a difficult period of Hungarian history; Romanians consider that Transylvania is the core of the Romanian land and the cradle of the Romanian civilisation, the demographic reservoir of the Romanian nation. In both cases, Transylvania took a mythical significance that gives it a much more importance than a rational analysis would confer it. This mythical approach of the problem, coupled with political interests and made impossible a rational resolution of the conflict.

The historiographical conflict refers to all major events of the national history of Romanians and Hungarians:

a) the chronological pre-eminence in Transylvania #1;. Being the first on this land became in a mythical understanding of history synonymous with being the legitimate master. In this perspective, all the other minorities which came later become latecomers, aliens, foreigners and even intruders.

b) the place of Transylvania within the medieval Hungarian kingdom. The Hungarian position was explained by László Makkai: "Transylvania's historical position may be summed up as follows: it is not the question of Transylvania and Hungary, but of Transylvania in Hungary" #2;. In opposition with this view, Romanian historians claim that Transylvania was never properly a part of the Hungarian kingdom at all. Consequently, they stress the role of the Romanian people in the shaping of Transylvania's development, whereas the Hungarian historians focused on the primacy of Hungarian influence in the region, arguing that the Romanian contribution to the region's institutional development was slight.

The divergence of opinion culminates with the interpretation given to the post-First World War status-quo and political development. Hungarian historians usually regard the Austro-Hungarian Empire as a possible model of coexistence, in opposition with the Greater Romania, seen as a state which failed to develop a concept of common identity for all its citizens #3;. On the other side, Romanian historians consider the achievement of Greater Romania as the result of a necessary and objective process of historical development. This conflict was exacerbated in the communist period as the history became much more vulnerable to abuses; the historiographical conflict was becoming very important in the 1980's, exceeding the limits of an intellectual dispute; the highly political meanings of controversies went far beyond the former period. New myth and traumatic memories were created or invoked by the communist historiography, having as playground the Second World War experience. In its August and September issues, the Hungarian monthly Kritika published wartime documents that were subsequently deemed offensive by Romanian historians. On 6 and 20 December 1984 Romania Literara, the Romanian Writers' Union's weekly, criticised the Kritika articles for their alleged "fascist, revanchist, anti-Romanian ideas". On January 1986, Romanian journals, having alleged that Horthy's regime was being rehabilitated in Hungary, described the "cruelties" of the Hungarian administration in Northern Transylvania between 1940 and 1944. A book on the latter subject by the historians A. Fãtu and I. Muºat received wide publicity in the Romanian media #4;.

Let's take now some other relevant examples and to consider the political conclusions rather that the polemical content:

On December 5 1986, a long article was published by the cultural magazine Romania Literara, under the title "Revisionists and Chauvinists at Work Again", by two party activists and historians, Stefan Stefanescu and Nicolae Petreanu. Their article was in response to a piece entitled "Independent Transylvania" that had appeared in the Spanish issue of Hungarian magazine, number 3, 1985. The Hungarian article was written by the Hungarian Petter Ruffy, born in Transylvania, and dealt with the Transylvanian history from 1541 to 1687. The dispute gained present political relevance, because the Romanian historians blamed Ruffy of having "performed a slalom through the entire history of Transylvania, a genuine race of errors" #5;. According to them, during the Austro-Hungarian dualism (1867-1918), Transylvania was "forcefully incorporated into the Hungarian state, losing its political and administrative identity". and the Hungarian elite of the time "carried on a policy of oppression and forced assimilation, an overt and brutal Magyarization of the Romanians." #6; The article's conclusions, extensively reproduced by Agerpress (Romanian News Agency) commentary in English, stated that: "Every honest person, as well as the entire public opinion in our country have the right to put the following legitimate question: why and for whose benefit are circulated old chauvinist, revisionist, revanchist theses taken from the arsenal of the inter-war Horthyist propaganda? Obviously, such materials reactivate noxious, anti-Romanian theses in flagrant contradiction nor only with historical truth but also with the principles of normal relations among states and nations." #7;; And they finished by adding that "not only the Peace Treaty of 1947, but the entire system of international security, too, recognises the immutable character of the post-war boundaries, including those between Romania and Hungary" #8;.

On 6 December 1985, one day after this article had appeared, the cultural magazine Contemporanul #9; carried a piece under the title "Hungarian Academy of Sciences Publication Harbours Revisionist Ideas", by Constantin Botoran and Ion Calafeteanu. The publication mentioned was Hungarian History -World History, a collection of studies published in Budapest and written by Peter Gosztony, an émigré historian #10;. In the words of his Romanian reviewers, Gosztony displayed, especially in the study "The Hungarian Army During the Second World War", "the well-known arsenal of misinformation: insinuations, truncated quotations, ambiguities", and had a strange amnesia regarding the Vienna Dictate#11;. Their conclusion was in the same spirit of the earlier article: how the publication of such "deviationist, chauvinist, and revisionist materials"#12;; had been possible, especially under the aegis of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. They insinuated that communist cultural institutions were collaborating with anti communist émigrés in an attempt to rehabilitate the Horthy's regime, including its participation in World War II on the side of the Axis powers.

The tone and undertones of this polemic attracted the attention of the Western media#13;, which was unanimous in considering this Romanian criticism the sharpest in recent years.

The most spectacular example of the historiographical conflict in the 1980's was the launching in 1987 by the Hungarian Academy Publishing House of a three-volume "History of Transylvania", whose editor in chief was the Hungary's Minister of Culture, Béla Köpeczi. A second edition and foreign language editions were announced. This fact was bitterly denounced by the Romanian authorities, which stressed the involvement of the Hungarian Ministry of Culture. As a response, N. Ceausescu mobilised the whole historical community to react at this "revanchist and anti-Romanian campaign"#14;. He established two historical commissions, which worked in the Central Committee building, for two years, to write a replay. His great personal interest in it is demonstrated by the fact that he received monthly reports on the commissions' progress.

In spite of its importance, the historiographical dispute was not the object, but rather the vehicle of the Romanian-Hungarian conflict. The rules of the communist diplomacy did not allow the direct expression of different opinions between Warsaw Pact member states beyond historical polemics.


But in the 1980's not only the intensity and terrain of the disputes have changed, but even the nature of the controversies. In the former period Romanian-Hungarian disputes were mainly related to foreign policy and ideology, and generally coincided with the Romanian-Soviet disputes, as part of inter-communist diplomatic crisis. But in the eighties the disputes were focused on the status of Hungarian minority from Transylvania and were turned into a very sharp ideological conflict. Let's take two statements for expressing this major change. On 22 November 1971, AFP quoted Hungarian Foreign Minister J. Peter saying at a Press Conference in Bucharest that the most important points of Hungary's foreign policy were: the unity of the socialist countries, the establishment and the development of relations between all countries and the "guarantee of European security"#15;. In 1985, Mátyás Szúrös, the leading figure of Hungarian diplomacy in the late 80's, expressed very clearly that: "the Hungarians living outside our borders, but mainly within the Carpathian Basin, constitute a part of the Hungarian nation. They have every right to expect Hungary to feel responsibility for their fate and to speak up for them when they are objects of discrimination"#16;. I have already referred to this gradual process of transforming the minority concern into a fundamental principle of Hungarian diplomacy: from the Kádár's theory: "minorities as bridges", to the "double bound responsibility", culminating with the introduction of this principle in a 1990 Amendment to the Hungarian Constitution. This is not to say that the Hungarian concern for the Hungarian minority was not constant, but in the former period it was disguised and never directly expressed. The change occurred gradually: the talks were more and more focused on such minorities issues as cultural exchanges, border traffic and visas, and finally to political aspects. I see this policy as being full of hesitations and incertitude.

Because the dispute on the status of Hungarian minority in Romania is the hard core of the Romanian-Hungarian dispute, I consider that an extensive review of the Hungarian-Romanian controversies on the status of minorities in Romania could be very relevant for our analysis.

Hungarian- Romanian War of 1919

Hungarian–Romanian War of 1919

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The Hungarian–Romanian War of 1919
Romanian Cavalry in Budapest
DateMarch-August 1919
LocationTransylvania, Hungary, Slovakia
ResultRomanian victory
Hungarian Soviet RepublicRomania Romania
Commanders and leaders
Aurél Stromfeld
Ferenc Julier
Vilmos Böhm
Béla Kun
Romania Traian Moşoiu
Romania George Mărdărescu
Romania Constantin Prezan
Romania Crown Prince Ferdinand
Tomáš Masaryk
Casualties and losses
unknown3,670 dead, 11,666 total

The seeds of the Hungarian–Romanian war of 1919[1] were planted when Transylvania proclaimed union with Romania on December 1, 1918. In April 1919, the Bolsheviks came to power in Hungary, at which point its army attempted to retake Transylvania, commencing the war. By its final stage, more than 120 000 troops on both sides were involved. The destruction of the Hungarian Soviet Republic and the Romanian occupation of parts of Hungary proper, including its capital Budapest in August 1919, ended the war. Romanian troops withdrew from Hungary in March 1920.

[edit] Introduction

Map of the War between Hungary and Romania in 1919

[edit] Hungary

In 1918 the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy collapsed as a result of losing World War I. On October 31, 1918, the success of the Aster Revolution in Budapest brought the left-liberal Count Mihály Károlyi, an Entente devotee, to power as Prime Minister. Károlyi yielded to Woodrow Wilson's pacifism by ordering the full disarmament of the Hungarian Army. Károlyi proclaimed the advent of the First Republic, of which he was President. By February 1919 the government had lost all popular support, having failed on domestic and military fronts. On March 21, after the Entente military representative demanded more and more territorial concessions from Hungary, Károlyi turned over the government to the Socialist Party of Hungary, a coalition of Social Democrats and Communists. Although Károlyi believed he was handing power to the Social Democrats, it was the Communists, led by Béla Kun, who were actually in control. The new government proclaimed the Hungarian Soviet Republic and promised equality and social justice.

The Communists, or "Reds," came to power largely thanks to being the only group with an organized fighting force, and they promised that Hungary would defend its territory without conscription (possibly with the help of the Soviet Red Army). Initially, most soldiers of Hungary's Red Army were armed factory workers from Budapest. Later the Hungarian Red Army became a truly national army, the ranks of which were filled out of patriotic rather than ideological reasons.

[edit] Romania

In 1916, Romania entered World War I on the side of the Entente, with the main goal of uniting all territories with a Romanian national majority into one state (see Treaty of Bucharest (1916)). In 1918, after the communists took power in Russia and signed a separate peace in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with the Central Powers, Romania was left alone on the Entente's Eastern Front, a situation that far surpassed its military capabilities. Therefore, it sued for peace, and reached an understanding with the Central Powers in May 1918 in the Treaty of Bucharest. Alexandru Marghiloman signed the Treaty of Bucharest with the Central Powers on May 7, 1918. However, this treaty was never signed by King Ferdinand, and on 10 November 1918, taking advantage of the Central Powers' precarious situation, Romania reentered the war on the side of the Entente with the same objectives as in 1916. King Ferdinand called for the mobilization of the Romanian Army and ordered it to attack over the Carpathian mountains into Transylvania. The end of World War I that followed very soon did not bring the end of fighting for the Romanian Army. The fighting continued later that year and into 1919 during the Hungarian–Romanian war.

[edit] Outline of the war

In the war's first phase, the Romanian Army advanced up to the Western Carpathian Mountains. In the second phase, after the communists took power in Hungary, the Romanian Army overcame the Hungarian Red Army to reach the Tisza river. Finally, in the third phase, the Romanian Army destroyed the Hungarian Army and occupied Budapest, ousting the communist regime of Béla Kun.

[edit] Phase I: November 1918 – March 1919

Following the Treaty of Bucharest, the bulk of the Romanian Army was demobilized. Only the 9th and the 10th infantry divisions and the 1st and the 2nd cavalry divisions were available at war-time strength, but they were used at the time to protect Bessarabia from the attacks of the Russian Reds. The 1st, 7th and 8th Vânători divisions, stationed in Moldavia, were the first units mobilized under these circumstances. The 8th was sent to Bukovina and the other two divisions were sent to Transylvania.

On December 1st, 1918, the Romanians of Transylvania proclaimed the union with Romania, being followed by the Transylvanian Saxons on January 8, 1919.

First, the units of the 1st and 7th divisions advanced in December 1918 up to the line of the Mureş river which was the demarcation line agreed upon by the representatives of the Entente and of Hungary in Belgrade on November 13, 1918. At the same time, units of the German Army, under the command of Marshal von Mackensen, retreated westward.

Following a Romanian request, the Allied Command in the East under the leadership of the French general Franchet d'Espèrey allowed the Romanian Army to advance up to the line of the Western Carpathians. The 7th Vânători division advanced in the direction of Cluj, and the 1st in the direction of Alba-Iulia. On December 24, units of the Romanian Army entered Cluj. By January 22, 1919, the Romanian Army controlled the entire territory up to this demarcation line.

At this point the Romanian Army in Transylvania was stretched thin, having to simultaneously deter the Hungarian Army and maintain order in the territories under its control. Hence, the Romanian High Command decided to send two more divisions into Transylvania: the 2nd Vânători division to Sibiu, and the 6th infantry division to Braşov. A unified command of the Romanian Army in Transylvania was also established, with the headquarters at Sibiu; General Traian Moşoiu was put in charge of this command.

Romania started organizing the territory it had taken, which at this point was far from encompassing the ethnic Romanian population in the region. Two new infantry divisions, the 16th and the 18th, were organized from Romanian soldiers previously mobilized in the Austro-Hungarian Army.

On February 28, the Allied council decided to notify Hungary of the new demarcation line to which the Romanian Army would advance. This line coincided with the railways connecting the cities of Satu Mare, Oradea and Arad. However, the Romanian Army was not allowed to enter these cities. A demilitarized zone was to be created, stretching from there up to 5 km beyond the border marking the extent of the Romanian territorial requests on Hungary. The retreat of the Hungarian Army behind the westward border of the demilitarized zone was to begin on March 22, 1919.

The notification reached Hungary on March 19 through French Lieutenant-Colonel Fernand Vix. The Károlyi government resigned rather than accepting the notification, and on March 21 gave control to Béla Kun, who instituted a Communist regime in Hungary.

Within this period of time, only limited skirmishes took place between the Romanian and Hungarian troops, and on one occasion between Romanian and Ukrainian troops. Some Hungarian elements engaged in the harassment of the Romanian population outside the area controlled by the Romanian Army.[2][3]

[edit] Phase II: April 1919 – June 1919

After 21 March 1919, Romania faced two communist neighbors: Hungary and the Soviet Russia. The Romanian delegation at the Peace Conference in Paris requested that the Romanian Army be allowed to oust the Hungarian communists from power. Although well aware of the communist danger, the Allied council was marked by dissension between the US president Woodrow Wilson, the British prime minister David Lloyd George, and the French prime minister Georges Clemenceau about the guarantees required by France for its borders with Germany. In particular, the American delegation was convinced that French hardliners around Marshal Foch were trying to initiate a new conflict that would eventually lead to a new war, this time against Germany and the Soviet Union. Acting on these premises, the participants at the conference tried to defuse the situation in Hungary. Hence, the South African General Smuts was sent to Budapest on April 4 with a proposition for the Kun government to abide by the conditions previously presented to Károlyi. This action of the Allies also amounted to recognizing Communist Hungary. In exchange for fulfilling the conditions in the Vix Note, the Allied powers would lift the blockade of Hungary and adopt a benevolent attitude towards it in the question of the territories it had to yield to Romania, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Kun however asked that the Romanian Army be ordered back to the line of the Mureş river, and the discussions stalled.

Meanwhile, Kun sought to gain time in order to be able to build up a military force able of waging war with Romania and Czechoslovakia. On the Romanian front, there were some 20,000 troops in the first line facing the Romanian Army. Kun managed to mobilize another 60,000 in the second line by the use of recruitment centers in Oradea, Gyula, Debrecen, and Szolnok, among others. This Hungarian Army was a mix of some elite units and officers from the former Austro-Hungarian Army, and poor-quality volunteers. They were equipped with some 137 cannons and 5 armored trains. Although a colorful mix, this army was held together by nationalist rather than communist ideals, and was therefore highly motivated. Kun hoped also that the Soviet Union would come to its help and attack Romania from the east.

Once the discussions with Kun stalled, the Romanian Army was ordered by the Romanian government to take action and force the Hungarian authorities to comply with the Allied council decision on February 28 concerning the new demarcation line.[4] The Romanian Army in Transylvania comprised 64 infantry battalions, 28 cavalry squadrons, 160 cannons, 32 howitzers, 1 armored train, 3 air squadrons, 2 pioneer battalions, organized into two groups: North and South. The overall command of the Romanian Army in Transylvania was entrusted to General George Mărdărescu, while General Moşoiu was appointed commander of the Northern Group. The Romanian battle plan was to strike with the more powerful Northern Group and take Carei and Oradea, thus separating the elite Szekely division from the rest of the Hungarian Army, made primarily of volunteers. Then the Group should proceed with the flanking of the Hungarian Army. At the same time, the Southern Group would advance only up to Radna and Beiuş, and then serve as pivot for the flanking maneuver of the Northern Group. The overall advance was to stop only at the Tisza river. The start of the offensive was planned for April 16.

[edit] The Hungarian attack

Operations of the Romanian Army in the second phase of the Hungarian–Romanian War. The demilitarized zone proposed by the Allied council on 28 February is shown in gray.

Aware of the Romanian preparations, the Hungarians fortified the mountain passes in their possession and launched a preemptive attack on the night between April 15 and 16. The attack was stopped with the help of the reserve formations and the Romanians defensive lines held. Between April 16 and 18, the Romanians started their own offensive, forcing the mountain passes after heavy fighting. On the front of the 2nd Vânători division, a battalion of Hungarian cadets offered heavy resistance, and was defeated by the Romanian 9th regiment only towards the evening of April 16. On April 18, the first phase of the Romanian offensive was over, and the Hungarian front was broken. Carei was taken by the Romanian troops on April 19, Oradea and Salonta on April 20. At this moment, the Romanian Army reached the line set by the Allies in the Vix Note. However, the Romanian High Command decided to go over this line and advance to the Tisza river, for military reasons: the Tisza makes a natural obstacle that is easy to defend, and at the same time the Hungarian Army was beaten but not destroyed. By doing so, the Romanians went against the wishes of the Allies.[5][6]

[edit] The fate of the Székely division

Making use of their cavalry, the Romanians hindered any attempts by the Hungarian Army to set a new defensive line between Nyíregyháza, Debrecen and Békéscsaba. At the same time on the front of the Northern Group, the best unit of the Hungarian Army, the Szekely division under the command of Colonel Kratochwil was retreating towards Nyíregyháza, being constantly harassed by the Romanian troops, mainly from the 2nd cavalry division. They tried to stop their retreat and fight around the city, but were dislodged by the Romanians, and Nyíregyháza was occupied on April 26. The Division tried to flee west over Tisza, but by this time the entire eastern bank of the river was controlled by the Romanians, the last Hungarian troops defending a bridgehead over the river being defeated on April 29 at Rakamaz. With their retreat route cut, the Székely division capitulated on April 29.

[edit] The Romanian Army reaches the Tisza line

The frontline between the Hungarian and Romanian Armies on 3 May 1919.

Debrecen was occupied by the Romanians on 23 April, and the Romanian Army started preparing for the assault on Békéscsaba. This began on 25 April and, on 26 April, the city fell after some heavy fighting. Most of the remains of the Hungarian Army converged towards Szolnok, where they tried to escape west over Tisza, establishing two concentric defense lines around Szolnok whose ends lay on the Tisza. Between 29 April and 1 May the Romanian Army managed to break through these lines, despite the reinforcements sent from the west bank of the Tisza. On the evening of 1 May 1919 the entire east bank of the Tisza was controlled by the Romanian Army.

On 2 May, the Kun government sued for peace. In the peace proposition sent through Lt. Col. Werth, Kun was ready to recognize all territorial demands of the Romanians and asked in exchange for a cessation of hostilities and no intervention in the internal Hungarian affairs. The Romanians offered only an armistice and this only under pressure from the Allied Supreme Command, as on 30 April the French foreign minister Pichon had summoned the Romanian representative at the Peace Conference, prime minister Brătianu, and asked him to stop the advance of the Romanian troops on the Tisza river and eventually retreat on the demarcation line imposed by the Allies. Brătianu promised that the Romanian troops would not cross the Tisza and would remain on the east bank of the river.

Gen. Moşoiu was named governor of the military district between the Romanian frontier and the Tisza river, being replaced at the command of the Norther Group by Gen. Mihăescu. At the same time, the Romanian 7th division was transported from the Hungarian front to the Russian front in Northern Moldavia.

[edit] The Hungarian attack on Czechoslovakia

Allied operations in the Kingdom of Hungary, May–August 1919.
  Territory controlled by Romania in April, 1919
  Territory controlled by the Hungarian Soviet Republic
  Territory subsequently controlled by the Hungarian Soviet Republic
  Territory under French and Serb control

                     Pre-WW1 Borders of Hungary, 1918
                     Post-WW1 Borders of Hungary, 1920

Béla Kun tried to make use of the lull in fighting against the Romanians to improve his battered international position. He prepared an attack against Czechoslovak forces, which he deemed the weaker of its enemies, as he had just been defeated by the Romanians, and believed that action against the Serbs was impossible due to the presence of allied French troops in Serbia. By attacking Czechoslovak troops, he tried to gain support from within Hungary, by making good on his promise to restore Hungary's borders. Kun also sought to establish a link to his Bolshevik allies in Russia. Internationally he argued that he acted on the belief that granting the territory where Hungarians were an ethnic majority to the newly-formed Czechoslovakia following World War I was unjust.

[edit] Strengthening the Hungarian army

To strengthen the army, Kun's regime recruited heavily from the male population between 19 and 25 years of age in the areas left under his control. Also many workers (mainly from the Budapest industrial area) joined the army. He also enlisted many former Austro-Hungarian officers, who joined the army out of patriotic rather than ideological reasons. For the offensive in Upper Hungary (today's Slovakia), the Hungarians concentrated two divisions, the 1st and the 5th, totaling 40 battalions with plenty of artillery.

[edit] Military operations. A Romanian perspective

On the 20 of May the Hungarians, under the lead of Colonel Aurél Stromfeld, attacked in force and routed the Czechoslovak troops in Miskolc. The Romanian Command tried to hold the link to the Czechoslovak Army and attacked the Hungarian flank with some troops from the 16th infantry division and the 2nd Vânători division. However, this action was to no avail and it could not stop the rout of the Czechoslovak Army. The Romanians retreated to their bridgehead at Tokaj and defended their position against Hungarian attacks between 25 and 30 May. The Hungarian attack against the Czechoslovak Army evolved well and consequently the Romanian troops in the North were in danger of being outflanked. On the 3 of June, the Romanians were thus forced to retreat from Tokaj on the east bank of Tisza, destroying all bridges over the river in the process and breaking any contact with the Hungarian troops. To deal with the danger of being outflanked and hinder the communication between the Hungarians and the Soviets, the Romanian troops along Tisza extended their defense line further north and linked with the troops of the Romanian 8th division, which since the 22 of May had advanced from Bukovina to meet them.

[edit] Aftermath

The success of their attack on newly forming Czechoslovak state allowed the Hungarian Reds, besides regaining Upper Hungary, to also create a puppet Slovak Soviet Republic. At the end of the operations, the Hungarian Army had reached the old frontiers in the northeastern Carpathians. In the northwest, the campaign reoccupied important industrial regions around Miskolc, Salgótarján and Selmecbánya. They also started to plan to march against the Romanian Army in the east.

[edit] Involvement of Bolshevik Russia

On the 9 of April 1918, Bessarabia united with Romania. The unification act that brought these old Romanian lands within the modern Romanian state was not recognized by the Bolshevik Russia, and later it was challenged by the Soviet Union as unlawful. Having to fight the Whites, the Poles, the Ukrainians and later an allied invasion in that region, the Red Army had no resources available to seriously threaten Romania at that time. The Russian hopes to use Otaman Grigoriev for an expedition against Romania were shattered after much procrastination and later refusal of the rogue general. Furthermore, numerous peasant uprisings took place near Kiev.

Before the communist takeover in Hungary, the Bolsheviks used the Odessa Soviet Republic as a buffer state to invade Romania, which only turned into several sporadic attacks over the Dniester river in order to reclaim the territory of the former Bessarabia Governorate. A somewhat similar role was taken later by the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which covered roughly the territory of the present-day Transnistria. During that period of time the Romanian Army was being reorganized and such attacks were more or less successful. However, they were always met with force by the Romanian troops stationed in Bessarabia, which managed on all occasions to throw the Bolsheviks back over the Dniester (see Iona Yakir). After the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk the Soviet forces were pushed out of neighboring Ukraine eastward and until late 1918 were no longer a threat.

[edit] A Hungarian perspective

After coming to power, the Hungarian Reds had high hopes that Soviet Union would help them by attacking Romania in Bessarabia. Indeed the Soviets applied pressure on Romania at the political level to the best of their abilities, issuing ultimatums and threatening with war. To some extent the Red Army tried also to fulfill such expectations, but what it did never amounted to a threat big enough to have a serious impact on Romanians' military operations against communist Hungary. The most notable achievement was the transfer of one Romanian division from the Hungarian front to Bessarabia. Also some newly formed Romanian formations were sent to Bessarabia to face the Soviet Red Army rather than in Transylvania to face the Hungarian Red Army.

[edit] Military operations in Bessarabia in 1919

A major attack took place at the end of January 1919, when the Bolsheviks pushing the Ukrainian Army towards Zbruch managed to take control of the Romanian city of Hotin. They held the city for a few days before being routed by the Romanian Army. After that, starting February 1919, enough Romanian troops were present in Bessarabia to thwart most attack attempts. The situation was further eased by the fact that the Bolsheviks lacked the resources to seriously threaten Bessarabia. At that moment they had to deal with the advancing Armed Forces of South Russia led by Anton Denikin. Furthermore, a French–Greek army of five divisions (three French and two Greek) under the command of the French general d'Anselme and with support from some Polish, Ukrainian and Russian volunteers, attacked near Odessa in western Crimea. All these events led to a calm-down of the situation in Bessarabia over most of the next two months.

In support of the allied attack, Romanian troops of the 39th regiment occupied Tiraspol on the 21 of March. Fighting at the same time in Transylvania, the Romanian Army could not provide more soldiers. In April, however, the army under general d'Anselme was defeated at Berzov by the Soviet 3rd Army and forced to retreat towards Odessa. With the change of government in France the allied forces were ordered to withdraw from Odessa later that month. Most of the Entente forces retreated by ship abandoning part of their heavy equipment. Some troops, together with their Russian and Ukrainian allies, retreated through southern Bessarabia. At the same time, the Romanian Army started fortifying its positions in Bessarabia in preparation of a possible Bolshevik large-scale attack.

On the 1st of May, the Russian Bolshevik foreign minister Georgy Chicherin issued an ultimatum to the Romanian government, asking it to evacuate Bessarabia and threatening with the use of force in case of non-compliance. At the same time more Bolshevik troops were concentrating along the Dniester. Anotonov-Ovsiyenko planned for a massive charge on May 10, 1919. By this they tried to ease the pressure against the Hungarian Bolsheviks, forcing the Romanian Army to prepare for an attack in the East. This is why the Romanians brought the 7th division as reinforcement from the Tisza front into Bessarabia.

After the ultimatum, the attacks on the Romanian troops in Bessarabia intensified, peaking on 27–28 May when a few hundreds of Bolshevik troops attacked Tighina. In preparation of this attack, they threw manifestos out of a plane, inviting the allied troops to fraternize with them. However, only 60 French soldiers switched sides and supported the Russians crossing the Dniester. The Bolsheviks managed to enter Tighina, but were repulsed later that day by the Romanians with the help of some French troops in town.

To counter the Bolshevik threat, two more Romanian divisions were sent in the area: the 4th and the 5th infantry divisions. Furthermore, a territorial command was organized in southern Bessarabia, consisting mainly of the 15th infantry division. Starting end of June the situation calmed down in Bessarabia.

[edit] Phase III: July 1919 – August 1919

The Allied council was deeply displeased by the Romanian advance to the Tisza without Allied approval. There were even voices blaming the Romanians for the troubles in Hungary and asking for an immediate retreat to the original demarcation line, concomitantly with a downsize of the Romanian Army. The Council tried also to persuade the Romanians to start talks with the Kun government. However, the Romanian government stood by its decision, and argued that the Tisza line was the sole military meaningful demarcation line until the final border line between Romania and Hungary was established and internationally recognized.

The Council put pressure on Kun to stop its advances into Czechoslovakia, under the threat of a coordinated attack of the French, Serb and Romanian troops from the South and the East respectively. They also promised a favorable attitude towards Soviet Hungary in the peace talks to follow, and in delineating Hungary's new borders. On the 12th of June, these borders were brought to the attention of the governments of Romania, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Hungary. Under these circumstances, Hungary signed an armistice with Czechoslovakia on the 23rd of June and by July 4, the Hungarian troops retreated 15 km south of the demarcation line. The Council demanded that the Romanians leave Tiszántúl and retreat also to their new borders, but the Romanians replied that they would comply only after the Hungarian Army would have demobilized. Upon hearing the Romanian demands from the Council representatives, Kun answered that from now on he would rely solely on the might of his army.

This new turn of events swung the Council against Kun, and on the 11th of July it decided to start a coordinated attack of the Serb, French and Romanian troops against Soviet Hungary. The planning for this attack was entrusted to Marshal Foch. However, immediately after the Czechoslovak armistice, Hungary started to mobilize its army against the Romanians along Tisza and on the 17th of July the Hungarians were the first to strike.

[edit] The opposing forces

The Romanians were facing the Hungarians on a front of some 250 km, along the Tisza, from south of Szeged, where they were neighboring with French and Serb troops, up to north of Tokaj, where they were neighboring with Czechoslovak troops.

In comparison to April 1919, the Hungarian Army facing the Romanians now along the Tisza river had greatly improved. It was better organized and equipped, and it had a high morale as it fought for its motherland. The morale was further boosted by the successes against the Czechoslovak Army. The communists held control of the army command through their political commissaries, but they were supported by experienced professional officers. At division level and below mostly professional officers were in command. The Hungarians mustered 100 infantry battalions, with some 50 000 men, 10 cavalry squadrons with 1365 men, 69 artillery batteries of calibers ranging up to 305 mm, and nine armored trains. The troops were organized for attack into three groups, North, Central and South, with the Central group being the strongest. They planned to cross the Tisza with all three groups, and then advance towards Satu Mare, Oradea and Arad respectively, expecting to ignite a communist revolt in Romania, as well and counting on some form of support from the Soviet Russia, which they hoped would launch an all-out attack into Bessarabia, on Romania's eastern border.

The Romanian Army had some 92 battalions with some 48 000 men, 58 cavalry squadrons with 12 000 men, some 80 artillery batteries of calibers ranging up to 155 mm, two armored trains, as well as some support units. They were positioned along three lines. The first line included the 16th division in the north and the 18th division in the south. In the second line more powerful formations were located, the 2nd Vânători division in the North, concentrated in and around Nyíregyháza, and the 1st Vânători division in the south, concentrated in and around Békéscsaba. The third line included the most powerful Romanian formations and had to be used as maneuvering mass; it was composed of the 1st and 6th infantry divisions, 1st and 2nd cavalry divisions, as well as some support units. These troops took positions along the railway link stretching from Carei, through Oradea, up to north of Arad. The 20th and the 21st infantry divisions were tasked with maintaining the security and public order behind the third line. The first line was rather thin, as it was supposed to fight delay actions until the true intentions of the attacking Hungarians were to be revealed. After that, together with the troops in the second line they were to hold the attackers until the counterattack of the troops in the third line could commence. For such maneuvering actions, the Romanian command planned to make use of the railway links in their control and had prepared a sufficient number of trains. The Romanians were also highly motivated, fighting for their dream to unify (into a single country) all the lands inhabited by ethnic Romanians. This long yearned dream was now supported by Woodrow Wilson's principles of self-determination and nation state. Most soldiers were experienced World War I veterans.

[edit] The Hungarian attack

Between the 17th and the 20th of July, the Hungarians bombarded the Romanian positions and conducted reconnaissance operations. On the 20th of July, around 3:00 AM, after a violent bombardment, the Hungarian infantry of all three groups crossed the Tisza and attacked the Romanian positions.

Operations of the Hungarian and Romanian Armies during the battle of the Tisza river in the third phase of the Hungarian–Romanian War.

[edit] Fighting on the flanks

In the North, on the 20th of July, the Hungarians took Rakamaz and some villages around it. Troops of the Romanian 16th division took back the villages but managed to retake Rakamaz only the next day, with the help of the 2nd Vânători division. However, the Hungarians renewed their efforts and, supported by their artillery, retook Rakamaz and two villages around it, but could not break out of the bridgehead. Therefore, they tried to outflank the Romanian positions and cross the Tisza further south at Tiszafüred with troops of the 80th international brigade but they were stopped there by troops of the Romanian 16th division. The Romanians brought also some troops of the 20th infantry division into combat and managed to clear the bridgehead at Tiszafüred on the 24th of July. Not being able to break out of Rakamaz, the Hungarians started fortifying their positions and redeployed some troops somewhere else. There was a lull in fighting in the north, as the Romanians followed suite. Only on the 26th of July do the Romanians attacked again and after some violent fighting that held until 10:00 PM, managed to clear the Hungarian bridgehead. After this, the Romanians were in complete control of the northern part of the Tisza's eastern bank.

In the south, the Hungarian 2nd division needed two days to take Szentes, which was being hold by the 89th and the 90th regiments of the Romanian 18th division. On the 21st and 22 July, Hódmezővásárhely changed hands several times between Hungarian troops and Romanian troops of the 90th infantry regiment supported by the 1st Vânători brigade. Then on the 23rd of July, the Romanians finally reoccupied Hódmezővásárhely, Szentes and Mindszent, thus throwing the Hungarians back over the Tisza and ending the fighting in this sector of the front. This allowed the Romanians to take the 1st Vânători brigade from the south front and use it in the center, where the Hungarian attack was progressing very well.

[edit] Fighting in the center

On the 20th of July, the Hungarians managed to establish a solid bridgehead on the east bank of the Tisza across Szolnok, despite the opposition of the Romanian 91st regiment of the 18th infantry division. The attackers brought the entire 6th and 7th divisions within the bridgehead and overwhelmed the troops in the first line of defense. The Hungarian 6th infantry division attacked to the east and took Törökszentmiklós, while the 7th division advanced towards Mezőtúr. At the same time, the 5th division was brought over the Tisza and attacked towards Túrkeve. On the 22nd of July, the Hungarians advanced towards Kunhegyes, after crossing the Tisza some 20 km north of Szolnok and defeating the Romanian 18th Vânători regiment. The Romanian troops of the 18th division were reinforced with formations from the second line, including some troops from the 1st cavalry division, and the entire 2nd Vânători brigade. On the 23rd of July, the Hungarians manage to take Túrkeve and Mezőtúr. On the night of the 23rd of July, the Hungarians controlled a 80 km-wide, 60 km-deep chunk of the right bank of the Tiza, opposite of Szolnok. Facing them to the east and to the south were the troops of the Romanian first and second line. To the north, a Romanian maneuver group was forming with troops from the third Romanian line, including the 1st infantry division of Gen. Obogeanu in the center, the 6th infantry division under Gen. Olteanu to the left and the 2nd cavalry division of Gen. Davidoglu to the right of the group, along Tisza.

[edit] The Romanian counterattack

The Romanian maneuver group attacked on the morning of the 24th of July. Elements of the 2nd cavalry division, supported by troops of the 18th infantry division took Kunhegyes. The Romanian 1st infantry division attacked the Hungarian 6th infantry division head-on and pushed them back, managing to take Fegyvernek. The Romanian 6th division was less successful, being counterattacked on the left flank by the Hungarian reserve formations. In total, on the 24th of July, the Romanians managed to push the Hungarians back some 20 km and retake the initiative. They reinforced the maneuver group with troops from the North, which became available when the fighting decreased in intensity there. These included the 2nd Vânători division and some cavalry units. The Romanian troops along the entire front received the order to attack the enemy the next day. On the 25th of July the fighting continued, being particularly violent on the front of the Romanian 1st infantry division, in and around Fegyvernek, where the Hungarians chose to counterattack. Towards the end of the day, the Romanians maneuver group started breaking through the Hungarian positions in the north. Also, Hungarian positions in the south were overrun. The Hungarians started a general retreat towards the Tisza bridge in front of Szolnok, which they blew up on the 26th of July in order to stop the Romanians from following them. On the evening of 26 July, the entire east bank of the Tisza was again under firm Romanian control.

[edit] The Romanians cross the Tisza

The crossing of the Tisa
Romanian troops entering Budapest
Romanian Army in front of the Hungarian Parliament, Budapest, 1919.

After repulsing the Hungarian attack, the Romanians started planning to cross the Tisza and deliver the final blow to Soviet Hungary, despite some opposition from the Allied council. They brought the 7th infantry division back from the Bessarabian front, where the Russians were holding still, and also the 2nd infantry division as well as some smaller infantry and artillery units. For crossing the Tisza the Romanian command prepared 119 battalions with some 84 000 troops, 99 artillery batteries with 392 guns and 60 cavalry squadrons with 12 000 men. The Hungarians made efficient use of their artillery, attacking the Romanian concentration areas. Between 27 and 29 July, the Romanians tested the strength of the Hungarian defense with small attacks. They finally decided to cross the Tisza in the vicinity of Fegyvernek, where the river makes a turn. On the night of 29th to 30 July, the Romanians crossed the Tisza. The main crossing at Fegyvernek was covered by decoy operations on other points of the front, where intense artillery duels took place. The Romanians managed to surprise the Hungarians at Fegyvernek who decided on the 31st of July to abandon the Tisza line and retreat towards Budapest.

[edit] The debacle of the Hungarian Army

Romanian soldiers feeding the civilian population in Hungary
Romanian sentry guarding the Liberty Bridge in Budapest

After the bulk of the Romanian troops crossed the Tisza, they started advancing towards Budapest. The Romanian cavalry covered the flanks of the main body of troops and tried to discover the points of concentration of the Hungarian Army. At the same time, it severed the links between the different corps of the Hungarian Army. On the 1st of August, most fighting took place in the south, in and around Szolnok, the town having been severely affected by the fighting. At the end of the day, the Hungarians sent representatives to negotiate their surrender. In the center and in the north, the Hungarian troops were completely surrounded by the evening of the 3rd of August and the units start to surrender or to disintegrate. The 3rd of August saw the end of the Hungarian Red Army.

[edit] The Romanians occupy Budapest

The Romanians continued their push towards Budapest. The first Romanian units to enter Budapest on the evening of the 3rd of August were three squadrons of the 6th cavalry regiment of the 4th brigade, under the command of Gen. Rusescu. The 400 men with two artillery guns were the only forces to occupy the city until midday on the 4th of August, when the bulk of the Romanian forces entered Budapest and a parade took place through the center of the city in front of their commander, Gen. Moşoiu. The Romanian troops continued their advance until they stopped in Győr.

[edit] Casualties, prisoners and war booty

The third phase of the Hungarian–Romanian War saw the most intense fighting of the entire conflict. The Romanians lost 123 officers and 6 434 soldiers: 39 officers and 1 730 soldiers dead, 81 officers and 3 125 soldiers wounded and three officers and 1 579 soldiers missing. Until the 8th of August 1919, they captured 1 235 officers and 40 000 soldiers, seized 350 guns, including two with a caliber of 305 mm, 332 machine guns, 52 000 rifles and 87 airplanes. They also seized large quantities of ammunition, and means of transportation.

[edit] Aftermath

On the 2nd of August 1919, Bela Kun fled Hungary towards the Austrian border and eventually reached the Soviet Union. A socialist government under the leadership of Gyula Peidl was installed in Budapest with the help of some representatives of the Allied council, but it was short-lived. Power was taken then by a nationalistic group trying to instate Archduke Josef as head of state and István Friedrich as prime minister. However, the Allies would not accept a Habsburg as head of state and hence a new government was needed. The Romanians occupied all Hungary, with the exception of a piece of land around the Balaton lakes. There, a far-right nationalist group formed around Admiral Horthy was preparing to take over after the Romanians would eventually leave. The troops supporting Horthy were supplied with arms by the Romanian Army.[7] In the regions under their control, the Romanians took over police and administration duties.

Hungarian stamps with Romanian overprint issued in Debrecen by the Romanian administration in occupied Hungary

The terms of the Romanian-imposed armistice were harsh on Hungary. When the Romanian troops finally departed Budapest at the beginning of 1920, they took extensive booty, including food, trucks, locomotives and railroad cars, and factory equipment, in revenge for the Central Powers' plundering of Romania during the war.[8] The Hungarians had to cede all war materials, excepting those weapons necessary for the troops under Horthy's command. Furthermore, they had to hand over to the Romanians their entire armament industry, 50% of the rolling stock of the Hungarian railroad, 30% of the livestock, 30% of all agricultural tools, and 35,000 wagons of cereals and animal feed. Also all the goods identified as war booty taken from Romania after the Peace of Bucharest in 1918 were confiscated.

The entire Hungarian–Romanian War of 1919 was waged over a period of nine months. The Romanians lost 188 officers and 11 478 soldiers, out of which 69 officers and 3 601 soldiers dead. The Romanians started retreating from Hungary in November 1919. Between February 14 and March 28, 1920 all Romanian Army units left the Hungarian territory.

[edit] Order of battle

  • Phase I
    • Romanian Army
      • 1st Vânători division
      • 2nd Vânători division
      • 7th Vânători division
      • 6th infantry division
      • 16th infantry division
      • 18th infantry division
  • Phase II
    • Romanian Army
      • Northern Group (gen. Mosoiu)
        • gen. Olteanu Group
          • two infantry battalions
          • one cavalry brigade
          • one artillery battery
        • 2nd cavalry division (Baia Mare)
        • 7th Vânători division (Zalău)
        • 6th infantry division (Huedin)
        • Group Reserve
        • 16th infantry division (Dej)
      • Southern Group (gen. Mărdărescu)
        • 2nd Vânători division (Roşia)
        • Beiuş regiment
        • Group Reserve
        • 1st Vânători division (Deva)
      • Army Reserve
        • 18th infantry division
  • Phase III
    • Romanian Army
      • Northern Group
        • 16th infantry division (first line)
        • 2nd Vânători division
      • Southern Group
        • 18th infantry division (first line)
        • 1st Vânători division
      • Army Reserve
        • 1st infantry division
        • 6th infantry division
        • 20th infantry division
        • 21st infantry division
        • 1st cavalry division
        • 2nd cavalry division
    • Hungarian Army
      • Northern Group (Tokaj)
        • 2nd Székely brigade
        • 3rd Székely brigade
        • 39th infantry battalion
        • Szanto detachment
        • Group Reserve (Miskolc)
        • 1st infantry division
      • Central Group (Szolnok)
        • 5th infantry division
        • 6th infantry division
        • 7th infantry division
        • 80th international inf. brigade
        • Group Reserve (Cegléd)
        • half of the 3rd infantry division
      • South Group (Csongrád)
        • 2nd infantry division
        • Group Reserve (Kistelek)
        • 4th infantry division
      • Army Reserve (Abony-Cegléd)
        • half of the 3rd infantry division
        • one cavalry regiment

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ Draganescu, Constantin (2008) (PDF). Spicuiri din razboiul Romaniei cu Ungaria din anul 1919 (in Romanian). Revista Document Nr3(41). Retrieved 2009-01-25. [dead link]
  2. ^ C. Kiriţescu: Istoria războiului pentru întregirea României, Vol. II, ed. Romania Noua, 1923, pp. 525
  3. ^ C. Kiriţescu: Istoria războiului pentru întregirea României, Vol. II, ed. Romania Noua, 1923, pp. 543–546
  4. ^ C. Kiriţescu: Istoria războiului pentru întregirea României, Vol. II, ed. Romania Noua, 1923, pp. 550
  5. ^ F. d'Esperey, Archives diplomatiques. Europe Z, R, April 12, 1919, Vol. 47, pp. 86
  6. ^ G. Clemenceau, Archives diplomatiques. Europe Z, R, April 14, 1919, Vol. 47, pp. 83–84.
  7. ^ C. Kiriţescu: Istoria războiului pentru întregirea României, Vol. II, ed. Romania Noua, 1923, pp. 612
  8. ^ "Romania and Transylvania to the End of the World War I, 1861–1919". A Country Study: Romania. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. Retrieved 2009-01-19. 

[edit] Bibliography

Transylvania 1940-1944

Transylvania, 1940-1944

Hungary Prime Minister Pal Teleki's policy of maintaining political neutrality worked until Germany in April 1941 offered stretches of Yugoslav territory in the Vojvodina in case Hungary joined in the attack on Yugoslavia. President Horthy overrode his prime minister and accepted the German offer; Prime Minister Teleki committed suicide. Hungary, which had gained northern Transylvania in June 1940 (Romania's protector France had surrendered to the Germans; Romania had no option but to comply with German, Russian, Hungarian and Bulgarian demands), now gained the Vojvodina west of the Tisza.

On August 20th 1940 - Romania's protector, France, had just surrendered to the German forces - Romania found herself compelled to cede northern and eastern Transylvania to Hungary. Hungary formally annexed the area on October 4th.
Romania's politicians, and most notably the Iron Guard adamantly maintained Romanian claims to all of Transylvania, accused Hungary's officials of atrocities against ethnic Romanians, and felt confirmed in their stand by Hungary's expulsion of Romanian nationals from the recently annexed parts of Transylvania. In December 1940, a clash between Hungarian and Romanian forces over Transylvania seemed imminent, further complicated by a conflict between the Romanian government and the Iron Guard. Domestic peace in Romania was reported restored Jan. 27th 1941; the Romanian-Hungarian dispute over Transylvania continued to be a high priority issue for both countries throughout the war. On June 22nd 1941, Romanian and Hungarian forces joined in the German invasion of the USSR; Hungary and Romania both were German Allies. In October 1941 German diplomacy attempted to settle the issue by putting pressure on Romania, in February 1942 by granting territory in Ukraine to Romania; both initiatives failed to alter Romania's attitude toward Transylvania. Hungarian-Romanian relations were tense, border violations reported in May 1942.
On February 2nd 1943, the German forces at Stalingrad surrendered, and the Soviet Red Army began to retake territory, pushing closer and closer to the Balkans. An attempt by the Hungarian government to sign an armistice was foiled by the Germans in March 1944, with the Germans taking control of their former ally. The Red Army offered Transylvania to Romania if the latter would sign an armistice; Romanian PM Antonescu raised the Transylvania issue in talks with Hitler (June 1944). By August 1944, the Red Army had invaded Romanian territory; Romania applied for armistice Aug. 24th. The Antonescu administration was ousted in a coup; Romania entered into war with Hungary. The Allies granted armistice to Romania Sept.13th. The text of the armistice stipulated northern and eastern Transylvania to be returned to Romania, subject to confirmation in the peace settlement. The Red Army had entered Transylvanian territory August 10th, occupied most of it by the end of September.

After the First World War Transylvania was ceded to the Romanians despite great protest from the Magyars. The border with Hungary was drawn, after debate, along the current line which divided the majority of Romanian to Hungarian population. The northern part was briefly returned to Hungary in 1940 due to pressure from Hitler which resulted in many atrocities being committed against the Romanians by the Magyar forces.

 Prior to World War I, Transylvania had been a semi-independent state under Ottoman sovereignty, province of the Habsburg Monarchy, province of the Austrian Empire and part of the Kingdom of Hungary (from 1867 to 1918; within the Austro-Hungarian Empire). The dual monarchy dissolved after the war. In December, 1918, Transylvanian political organizations of ethnic Romanians and ethnic Hungarians each expressed loyalty to their respective homelands. The treaties of Saint-Germain (1919) and Trianon (1920) reflected the victory of the Romanian army, granting Transylvania to Romania.

After Romania settled a claim to Soviet Union over Bessarabian territories, in June 1940, Hungary attempted to regain Transylvania, which it had lost in World War I. Germany and Italy pressured both Hungary and Romania to resolve the situation in a bilateral agreement. The two delegation met in Turnu Severin but the negotiations failed due to a demand for a 60,000 square kilomeres territory on Hungarian side and only a population exchange on Romanian side. To impede a Hungarian-Romanian war in their "hinterland", the Axis powers pressured both governments to accept their arbitration: the Second Vienna Award.

Historian Keith Hitchins summarizes the situation created by the award:

Far from settling matters, the Vienna Award had exacerbated relations between Rumania and Hungary. It did not solve the nationality problem by separating all Magyars from all Rumanians. Some 1,150,000 to 1,300,000 Rumanians, or 48 per cent to over 50 per cent of the population of the ceded territory, depending upon whose statistics are used, remained north of the new frontier, while about 500,000 Magyars (other Hungarian estimates go as high as 800,000, Rumanian as low as 363,000) continued to reside in the south.

According to the Hungarian census from 1941 the population of Northern Transylvania has dissimilar ratios, it counted 53.5% Hungarians and 39.1% Romanians.
Hungary held Northern Transylvania only from 1940 to 1944. Ethnic disturbances between Hungarians and Romanians continued during this period, with some Hungarians pursuing discrimination, harassment, or extreme violence against Romanians (see Treznea massacre, Ip massacre).

Like Jews living in Hungary, most of the Jews in Northern Transylvania (about 150,000) were sent to concentration camps during World War II. Some of the Romanian population in this region fled or was expelled, and the same happened with many Hungarians in Southern Transylvania. There was a mass exodus; over 100,000 people on both sides of the ethnic and political borders relocated.

The Second Vienna Award was voided by the Allied Commission through (September 12, 1944) whose Article 19 stipulated the following: "The Allied Governments regard the decision of the Vienna award regarding Transylvania as and void and are agreed that Transylvania the greater part thereof) should be returned to Rumania, subject to confirmation at the peace settlement, and the Soviet Government agrees that Soviet forces shall take part for this purpose in joint military operations with Rumania against Germany and Hungary."
This came after King Michael's Coup following which Romania left the Axis and joined the Allies. Thus, the Romanian army fought Nazi Germany and its allies in Romania, regaining Northern Transylvania, and further on, in German occupied Hungary and Czechoslovakia (e.g. Budapest Offensive & Siege of Budapest and Prague Offensive).

The 1947 Treaty of Paris reaffirmed the borders between Romania and Hungary, as originally defined in Treaty of Trianon, 27 years earlier.


Magyar Autonomous Region, 1952-1956

Magyar Autonomous Region

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Magyar Autonomous Region
Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară
Magyar Autonóm Tartomány
autonomous region of the People's Republic of Romania
Location of Magyar Autonomous Region
Magyar Autonomous Region (1952-1960) and Mureş-Magyar Autonomous Region (1960-1968)
- Established1952
- Disestablished1968
Today part ofRomania


Magyar Autonomous Region in Romania, 1953

The Magyar Autonomous Region (1952-1960) (Romanian: Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară, Hungarian: Magyar Autonóm Tartomány) and Mureş-Magyar Autonomous Region (1960-1968) were autonomous regions in the People's Republic of Romania (later Socialist Republic of Romania).



[edit] History

In 1950, Romania adopted a Soviet-style administrative and territorial division of the country into regions and raions (until then, Romania had been divided into judeţe or counties).

Two years later, in 1952, the number of regions was reduced and by comprising ten raions from the former Mureş Region and from the Stalin Region (both of them created in 1950), of the territory inhabited by a compact population of Székely Hungarians, a new region called the Magyar Autonomous Region was created.[1] According to the 1956 census, the total population of the region was 731,361, distributed among the ethnic groups as follows: Hungarians (77.3%), Romanians (20.1%), Gypsies (1.5%), Germans (0.4%) and Jews (0.4%). The official languages of the province were Hungarian and Romanian and the provincial administrative centre was Târgu-Mureş (Marosvásárhely).

Its status laid out in the 1952 Constitution, the region encompassed about a third of Romania's Hungarians, the rest living either in more Romanian areas or along the border with Hungary, where an ethnic-based region might have stoked fears[citation needed] of irredentism and security concerns. In practice, the region's status differed in no way from that of the other seventeen regions and it did not enjoy autonomy[citation needed] of any kind–laws, decisions and directives from the centre were rendered compulsory by the very constitution that created it, and the State Council of the Autonomous Region was merely a façade.[citation needed] The Region's only distinguishing features were that most of its officials were Hungarian, the Hungarian language could be used in administration and the courts, and bilingual signs were put up on public buildings. Moreover, the specifically Hungarian wing of the Romanian Communist Party was abolished in 1953, ending any mechanism for defending of the Hungarian minority's collective rights.[2]

Nicolae Ceauşescu and Mureş-Magyar Autonomous Region delegation at the IXth Congress of the Romanian Communist Party in July 1965

In December 1960 a governmental decree modified the boundaries of the Magyar Autonomous Region. Its southern raions were reattached to Braşov Region (former Stalin Region) and in place of this, several raions were joined to it from the Cluj Region. The region was called the Mureş Region-Magyar Autonomous, after the Mureş River. The ratio of Hungarians was thus reduced from 77.3 percent to 62 percent.

In 1968, the Great National Assembly put an end to the soviet style administrative division of the country into regions and re-introduced the historical judeţ (county) system, still used today. This also automatically eliminated the Mureş-Magyar Autonomous Region and replaced it with counties that are not identified with any nationality. The two new counties formed on the majority of the territory of former Mureş-Magyar Autonomous Region are Mureş and Harghita plus one from the former Magyar Autonomous Region until 1960 and part of the Braşov Region in 1968, Covasna.

In two of these counties, Harghita and Covasna, Hungarians form the majority of inhabitants. The Romanian law enables the usage of the language of an ethnic minority which forms at least 20% of the population of a municipality in relation with the administration, and the state provides education and public signage in the language of the respective ethnic minority.

[edit] Neighbors

The regions of Peoples' Republic of Romania between 1960-1968
  • Magyar Autonomous Region had as neighbors (1952-1960):

East: Bacău and Bârlad Regions;
South: Stalin and Ploieşti Regions;
West: Cluj Region;
North: Suceava Region

  • Mureş Region-Magyar Autonomous had as neighbors (1960-1968):

East: Bacău Region;
South: Braşov Region;
West: Cluj Region;
North: Suceava region

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ The Constitution of the Peoples' Republic of Romania, 1952 (Romanian)
  2. ^ Deletant, Dennis, Ceauşescu and the Securitate: Coercion and Dissent in Romania, 1965-1989, pp. 109-110. M.E. Sharpe, London, 1995, ISBN 1563246333

[edit] External links


 Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară

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Regiunea Mureş în cadrul împărţirii administrative a României 1950-1952

Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară (în maghiară Magyar Autonóm Tartomány), cunoscută și ca Regiunea Mureș-Autonomă Maghiară, cu reședința la Târgu Mureș, a fost o regiune care a existat în România între septembrie 1952[1][2] și februarie 1968, compusă dintr-un teritoriu locuit de o majoritate secuiască. Între 1952-1968 întinderea regiunii a fost de aprox. 13.550 km², iar populația număra cca. 730.000 locuitori. Limbile oficiale ale regiunii au fost româna și maghiara. Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară a fost aproximativ corespunzătoare cu Ținutul Secuiesc, fără unele localități trecute în 1950 la Regiunea Bacău (Ghimeș-Făget, Poiana Sărată etc.).



[modificare] Demografie

Bazat pe recensământul din 1956, 77,3% din populație erau maghiari (secui), 20,1% români, 1,5% rromi, 0,4% germani și 0,4% evrei.

[modificare] Istoric

Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară în cadrul împărţirii administrative a României (1952-1956)

In 1950 are loc reorganizarea administrativă a României, după modelul sovietic și transformarea celor 58 de județe în 28 de regiuni și 177 de raioane. Doi ani mai târziu, în 1952, are loc o primă reorganizare a acestui sistem, în urma căreia, prin comasarea a zece raioane din fostele regiuni Mureș și Stalin, se înființează Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară.[2]

Regiunea Mureş-Autonomă Maghiară în cadrul împărţirii administrative a României (1960-1968)

O nouă reorganizare are loc în 1960 când este adopatată noua denumire de Regiunea Mureș-Autonomă Maghiară. Două raioane, care până în 1952 aparținuseră Regiunii Mureș, locuite în majoritate de români (Luduș și Tîrnăveni), trec de la Regiunea Cluj la Regiunea Mureș-Autonomă Maghiară, iar două raioane, cu populație majoritar maghiară, Târgu Secuiesc și Sfântu Gheorghe, cu 85,3% respectiv 90,2% maghiari conform recensământului din 1956[3], care între 1950-1952 aparținuseră Regiunii Stalin, trec la Regiunea Brașov (succesoarea Regiunii Stalin). Odată cu aceste modificări proporția populației maghiare scade de la 77,3% la 62,2%.

Regiunea Mureș-Autonomă Maghiară a fost desființată prin noua organizare teritorială adoptată în februarie 1968. În 1968 Guvernul României a renunțat la organizarea administrativă de tip sovietic și a reinstaurat județul ca unitate administrativă, sistem care este folosit și în ziua de astăzi. Din acest motiv, Regiunea Mureș-Autonomă Maghiară a fost reorganizată în județe, nedelimitate pe bază etnică. Aproximativ două județe noi au fost formate din ultimul teritoriu al Regiunii Mureș-Autonomă Maghiară: Mureș și Harghita, în timp ce județul Covasna s-a format, în cea mai mare parte, din fosta Regiune Brașov.

[modificare] Administrație

Aspect de la desfăşurarea lucrărilor Congresului al IX –lea al P.C.R. – delegația Reg. Mureș Autonomă Maghiară. Nicolae Ceaușescu în prim plan

La 2 ianuarie 1960 biroul executiv al PCR din Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară era format din: Lajos Csupor (prim-secretar), Ioan Bătaga, Mihály Szász, Zoltán Szövérfi, János Molnár (secretari), Ioan Cozma, Géza Fodor, István Jakab, Károly Török (directori pe secțiuni), László Lukács (președintele comitetului executiv al Consiliului Popular Regional), Mihály Gombos (președintele comitetului regional al PCR), Károly Király (prim-secretarul regional al Uniunii Tineretului Comunist), Sándor Csavar (președintele Comitetului Sindical Regional), István Vargancsik (prim-secretar al organizației PCR din municipiul Târgu Mureș), Mihály Kovács (comandantul regional al Miliției), István Valter (directorul școlii regionale de partid).

[modificare] Raioane

  • Ciuc (Miercurea Ciuc)
  • Cristuru Secuiesc
  • Gheorghieni
  • Odorhei
  • Reghin
  • Sfîntu Gheorghe
  • Sîngeorgiu de Pădure
  • Tîrgu Mureș
  • Tîrgu Secuiesc
  • Toplița

[modificare] Note

  1. ^ Decretul 331/1952
  2. ^ a b Constituția Republicii Populare Române, 1952
  3. ^ Recensămîntul din 21.2.1956, Institutul Central de Statistică, București

[modificare] Vezi și


Harta administrativ-teritorialăRegiunile Republicii Populare Române (1950-1952)Steagul RPR

Regiunea Arad | Regiunea Argeș | Regiunea Bacău | Regiunea Baia Mare | Regiunea Bârlad | Regiunea Bihor | Regiunea Botoșani | Regiunea București | Regiunea Buzău | Regiunea Cluj | Regiunea Constanța | Regiunea Dolj | Regiunea Galați | Regiunea Gorj | Regiunea Hunedoara | Regiunea Ialomița | Regiunea Iași | Regiunea Mureș | Regiunea Prahova | Regiunea Putna | Regiunea Rodna | Regiunea Severin | Regiunea Sibiu | Regiunea Stalin | Regiunea Suceava | Regiunea Teleorman | Regiunea Timișoara | Regiunea Vâlcea

Harta administrativ-teritorialăRegiunile Republicii Populare Române (1952-1960)Steagul RPR

Regiunea Arad (până în 1956) | Regiunea Bacău | Regiunea Baia Mare | Regiunea Bârlad (până în 1956) | Regiunea București | Regiunea Cluj | Regiunea Constanța | Regiunea Craiova | Regiunea Galați | Regiunea Hunedoara | Regiunea Iași | Regiunea Autonomă Maghiară | Regiunea Oradea | Regiunea Pitești | Regiunea Ploiești | Regiunea Stalin | Regiunea Suceava | Regiunea Timișoara

Harta administrativ-teritorialăRegiunile Republicii Populare Române, din 1965 Republica Socialistă România (1960-1968)Steagul RSR

Regiunea Argeș | Regiunea Bacău | Regiunea Banat | Regiunea Brașov | Regiunea Crișana | Regiunea București | Regiunea Cluj | Regiunea Dobrogea | Regiunea Galați | Regiunea Hunedoara | Regiunea Iași | Regiunea Maramureș | Regiunea Mureș-Autonomă Maghiară | Regiunea Oltenia | Regiunea Ploiești | Regiunea Suceava






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Treznea and Ip Massacres

Treznea massacre

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Monument in memory of victims of the Treznea massacre

The Treznea massacre occurred in the village of Treznea, Sălaj in north-western Transylvania on 9 September 1940, during the handing over of Northern Transylvania from Romania to Hungary after the Second Vienna Award.

On that day, some Hungarian troops made a 4 km detour from the ZalăuCluj-Napoca route of the Hungarian Army and started firing at will on locals of all ages, killing many of them and partially destroying the Orthodox church. The official Hungarian sources of the time recorded that 87 Romanians and 6 Jews were killed, including the local Orthodox priest and the Romanian local teacher with his wife, while some Romanian sources give as many as 263 locals that were killed. Some Hungarian historians claim that the killings came in retaliation after the Hungarian troops were fired upon by inhabitants, allegedly incited by the local Romanian Orthodox priest, but this claims are not supported by the accounts of several witnesses. The motivation of the 4 km detour of the Hungarian troops from the rest of the Hungarian Army is still a point of contention, as it could not have been as a routine occupation manoeuvre. Most evidence points towards the local noble Ferenc Bay who lost a large part of his estates to peasants in the 1920s, as most of the violence was directed towards the peasants living on his former estate.

By the accounts of some witnesses, not all soldiers were wearing full uniform and some of them were drunk. Also, some villagers claim to have recognised some of the young men as locals from Zalău. This might suggest that not everyone in these Hungarian troops were operating under the jurisdiction of the Hungarian Army.

According to some historians, several Hungarian inhabitants of the village tried to stop the massacre, but they were themselves chased and beaten. About 200 locals were rounded up and pushed towards a cliff, where they were to be machine-gunned. However, they were let go after the retreating Romanian Army, stationed nearby at Poarta Sălajului, Sălaj, threatened to intervene.

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  • Maria Bucur. Treznea. Trauma, nationalism and the memory of World War II in Romania, Rethinking History, Volume 6, Number 1, April 1, 2002, pp. 35-55. doi:10.1080/13642520110112100

[edit] Sources

  • (Romanian) Ip şi Trăznea, Atrocităţi maghiare şi acţiune diplomatică, Dr. Petre Ţurlea, ed. Enciclopedică, Bucureşti, 1996
  • (Romanian) Ardealul pământ românesc. Problema Ardealului văzută de un american, Milton G. Lehrer, ed. Vatra Românească, 1991
  • (Romanian) Urmaşii lui Atilla, Radu Theodoru, Editura Miracol, Bucureşti, 1999, ISBN 973-9315-38-0
  • (Romanian) Teroarea horthysto-fascistă în nord-vestul României (septembrie 1940 - octombrie 1944), Mihai Fătu, Mircea Muşat (coord.), Ed. Politică, Bucureşti, 1985.

Hungarian Point of View 

On March 17, the Secret Agreement of Bucharest is signed by Rumania and representatives of the Entente powers regarding Rumania's involvement in hostilities against the Central Powers. This is followed on August 17 by a Treaty of Alliance signed by Rumania and the Entente representatives of Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy. For entering the war on the side of the Entente, Rumania is promised the Rumanian-inhabited parts of Austria-Hungary. In line with this agreement, Rumania declares war on Austria-Hungary on August 25 and Rumanian troops attack Transylvania. At first the Central powers retreat, but a concerted counter-attack leads to the defeat of the Rumanians and the capture of Bucharest on December 6, 1916.
On January 8, President Woodrow Wilson enunciates his Fourteen Points. The stipulation under point 10, for the "self-determination of peoples" has a particularly electrifying effect on all the nationalities living in Transylvania.
On April 8, the leaders of the national minorities of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy hold a joint conference in Rome where they declare their desire to separate themselves from the monarchy.
On May 8, at Bucharest, Rumania and the Central Powers sign a peace treaty terminating hostilities.
On June 3, the Entente powers officially recognize the demands of the nationalities conference held in Rome in April.
On October 12, at its meeting at Nagyvárad (Oradea, Grosswardein), the Transylvanian Rumanian National party declares that the Transylvanian Rumanians also want to exercise their right to self-determination.
On October 18, Woodrow Wilson declares to the Monarchy that the Fourteen Points have been made moot by events. On the same day, Vajda Vojvoda declares in the Budapest Parliament that the Rumanians of Transylvania have committed themselves to self-determination and unification as a separate nation.
During October 30--31, the Hungarian National Council under Mihály Károlyi comes to power. It declares Hungary to be a republic on November 16.
On November 1, the representatives of Austria-Hungary sign an armistice with the Entente at Padua.
On November 13, Oszkár Jászi negotiates unsuccessfully with Rumanian leaders at Arad. On this same day, the Hungarian government signs the military convention with the Entente at Belgrade, which defines the lines of military demarcation to the south and southeast.
On December 1, the Rumanian mass meeting at Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia) declares that the Transylvanian Rumanians want to be united with the Rumanian state south and east of the Carpathians. Although this is a unilateral declaration of the Rumanians, Entente support makes it prevail over the wishes of Hungarians, Székelys, Saxons, and Swabians.
During December 2-3, the Entente permits Rumanian troops to cross the Mures, (Maros, Mieresch) River, beyond the first lines of demarcation established by the Belgrade military convention.
On December 25, the Hungarian government establishes an autonomous region for the Ruthenians in eastern Hungary, named Ruszka-Krajna.
On January 19, the mass meeting of the Hungarians at Cluj (Kolozsvár, Klausenburg) is dispersed by Rumanian troops; more than 100 Hungarians are killed. This meeting was not allowed to declare its "self-determination," unlike the one at Alba Iulia (Gyulafehérvár, Karlsburg) on December 1, 1918.
On March 20th, Colonel Vyx presents Mihály Károlyi with the new Entente lines of military demarcation. This establishes a neutral zone that requires even further territorial losses for Hungary. The Hungarian government resigns in protest.
On March 21, the power vacuum is filled by Béla Kun and his Communist supporters, who declare Hungary to be a Council (i.e., Soviet) Republic.
On April 16, the Entente encourages Rumania to undertake whatever military action necessary to overthrow the Béla Kun regime. With French military advisers Rumanian troops cross the latest lines of military demarcation. On April 23, Rumanian troops capture Debrecen.
On August 1, the Council Republic collapses and Rumanian troops occupy Budapest until November 14.
On November 16, Nicholas Horthy enters Budapest. He becomes regent of Hungary on March 1, 1920.
In March, all Hungarian street signs are replaced by Rumanian signs and markers throughout Transylvania.
On June 4, at Versailles, Hungary is compelled to sign the Treaty of Trianon ceding Transylvania, part of the Banat (Bánság), part of the Tisza plains, and part of Maramures (Máramaros) to Rumania. This means that Hungary loses more territory (102,787 square kilometers) to Rumania than it has left for itself (91,114 square kilometers). At the same time 1.7 million Hungarians are placed under Rumanian jurisdiction.
The Magyar Szövetség (Hungarian Federation) is formed to provide the Hungarians of Transylvania with a representative political organization.
Construction of the Rumanian Orthodox Cathedral in Alba Iulia (Gyulafehérvár, Karlsburg). It is an example of the neo-Byzantine style based on the church built much earlier at Tîrgoviste in the Regat.
The Országos Magyar Párt (National Hungarian party) is formed to provide the Hungarian minority with an electioneering organization.
The Rumanian government carries out a "land reform" that takes land mainly from Hungarian and non-Rumanian landowners and redistributes it mainly among Rumanian peasants. A total of 2,218,146 acres are distributed in this discriminatory fashion.
The Erdélyi Szépmíves Céh (Transylvanian Artist Guild) is organized and becomes the major cultural agency of the Hungarians.
The Rumanian government requires Hungarian shopkeepers to pay extra taxes if they continue to advertise in Hungarian as well as in Rumanian.
A new wave of Rumanianization closes many Protestant and Catholic parochial schools.
The Peasant party unites with the Transylvanian "Rumanian National Party" to form the National Peasant Party (Partidul National taranesc), providing the Transylvanian Rumanians with their main vehicle of influence in national politics.
The publication Korunk (Our Age) appears at Cluj (Kolozsvár, Klausenburg). It becomes the major journal of the populist and left-oriented elements of the Transylvanian Hungarians. In 1929, Gábor Gaál becomes its editor.
The Erdélyi Helikon (Transylvanian Helicon) begins its cultural mission for Hungarian linguistic survival against the growing excesses of Rumanianization.
The League of Nations is presented with a long list of minority grievances concerning Rumanian policies in Transylvania. Nothing is done to ameliorate minority conditions.
The Little Entente (Rumania, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia) holds meetings to establish a united stand in support of the territorial status quo.
Erdélyi Fiatalok (Transylvanian Youth) begins publication and Erdélyi Múzeum (Transylvanian Museum) reappears to serve the cultural and literary needs of the Hungarians.
Under Petru Groza's leadership, the Ploughman's Front is organized at Deva (Déva).
On February 16, the Little Entente meets in Geneva to formalize its alliance against territorial revision.
Construction of the Rumanian Orthodox Cathedral in Cluj (Kolozsvár, Klausenburg). It is a representative neo-Byzantine structure.
In January, the main issue of the electoral campaign in Hungary is revisionism. Both Gyula Gömbös and István Bethlen take a stand for the unconditional return of Hungarian-inhabited territories and for the establishment of an independent Transylvania.
On February 9, the Balkan Pact is signed. It reinforces the objectives of the Little Entente against Hungary as well as Bulgaria.
The MADOSZ (Hungarian Workers' Federation) organizes as the political agency of the Hungarian left in Transylvania.
On October 15, the Csángó Hungarians in the Ghimes (Gyimes) Valley revolt. Retribution is swift and brutal.
On December 6, the MADOSZ, the Ploughman's Front, the Independent Socialist party, and the Democratic Bloc agree to present a united front against the threat of fascism.
Iron Guard anti-Semitic and anti-Hungarian excesses take place in Brasov (Brassó, Kronstadt), Aiud (Nagyenyed, Gross-Enyed), and Cluj (Kolozsvár, Klausenburg).
Construction of the Rumanian Orthodox Cathedral in Timisoara (Temesvár, Temeschwar).
On October 2, the Conclave of Vásárhely (i.e., [Marosvásárhely] Tirgu Mures) brings together most of the Hungarian intellectuals of the left to map their strategy vis-a-vis the growing pressure from the right. They agree on joining forces with democratic Rumanian elements. The conclave is followed on November 14 by an important MADOSZ congress at Brasov (Brassó, Kronstadt).
On February 10, King Carol II ends parliamentary politics and introduces his royal dictatorship over Rumania. On March 31, he has all political parties disbanded, including the organizations of the national minorities.
On March 23, the German-Rumanian Commercial Treaty transforms Rumania into an economic dependency of the Third Reich.
During September 1--4, Woermann and Ribbentrop exert pressure on the Hungarian government to desist from further anti Rumanian and revisionist policies.
On May 27, the German-Rumanian Petroleum Pact is signed.
On June 26, the Soviet Union delivers an ultimatum to Rumania to evacuate Bessarabia and Northern Bucovina. Soviet troops move into these areas on June 28.
During August 16--24, Rumanian-Hungarian negotiations are held at Turnu-Severin concerning the fate of Transylvania.
On August 30, the German-Italian arbitral award divides Transylvania into two parts, returning Northern Transylvania to Hungary while leaving Southern Transylvania under Rumanian jurisdiction. This Second Vienna Award continues the polarization of Rumania and Hungary. Hungarian troops move into Northern Transylvania between September 5 and 13.
During June 11--12, the German-Rumanian agreement is negotiated to go to war with the Soviet Union. The attack begins on June 22.
On June 26, the Kassa (Kosice, Kaschau) bombing incident is followed by Hungary's declaration of war on the Soviet Union.
Animosities continue over Transylvania. The German-Italian Commission supervising the implementation of the Vienna Award documents numerous violations of minority rights.
On March 19, German forces occupy Hungary.
On August 21, Soviet troops reach Iasi in Moldavia.
On August 23, Ion Antonescu is overthrown; Rumania switches sides and attacks German forces on Rumanian territory. Soviet troops reach Bucharest on August 30--31.
During September 5--8, the German-Hungarian counterattack into Southern Transylvania is repulsed and a Soviet-Rumanian offensive reaches Makó on September 24. Between October 4 and 25, most of Transylvania falls under Soviet control. However, Rumanian atrocities in Northern Transylvania convince the Soviet Union not to return the area to Rumanian administration right away.
On September 12, Rumania signs the armistice agreement with the Soviet Union. The agreement includes a reference to the cession of Northern Transylvania to Rumania.
In January, the Hungarian-language Bolyai University is established at Cluj (Kolozsvár, Klausenburg).
On February 6, the "Nationality Statute" is made public that guarantees all individuals equal rights without regard to race, nationality, language, or religion.
On March 6, Petru Groza comes to power and establishes a People's Democracy with the Communists obtaining key political positions. The Soviet Union rewards the Rumanian shift leftward by turning Northern Transylvania over to the new Rumanian administration.
On March 22, the "land reform" is implemented that has particularly devastating consequences for the Saxon and Swabian areas of Transylvania. Again, minority nationalities lose land to the majority nationality.
On November 8, the Medical and Pharmaceutical Institute is established at Tirgu Mures (Marosvásárhely, Neumarkt).
On December 20, the Hungarian journal Utunk (Our Way) begins publication under the editorship of Gábor Gaál.
On February 10, Rumania and the Allied Powers sign a peace treaty at Paris. Rumania retains its state frontiers of January 1, 1941, with the exception of the Rumanian-Hungarian frontier, in which the Vienna Award of August 30, 1940 --- which divided Transylvania (between Hungary and Rumania) --- is annulled.
On December 30, King Michael abdicates and Rumania is declared a "Republic."
At Bucharest the Romániai Magyar Szó (Rumanian Hungarian Word) begins publication; after 1953, it becomes the daily Elõre (Forward).
On January 24, Rumania and Hungary sign a Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance.
The Hungarian Opera again begins to function at Cluj.
Religious persecution begins in earnest and the minority denominations again bear the brunt of the repressive measures. Lay leaders, ministers, and priests of the Roman Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Unitarian churches are imprisoned or sent to forced labor camps in large numbers. At the same time the Uniate Catholic church is completely liquidated by "reintegrating" it into the Rumanian Orthodox church.
An "Autonomous Hungarian Region" is established --- under Soviet pressure --- in the Székely area of Transylvania with Tirgu Mures (Marosvásárhely, Neumarkt) for its capital. While its "autonomy" exists mainly on paper, it does provide some benefits, such as bilingual street signs and inscriptions.
László Luka, Anna Pauker, and other minority cadres are purged from the Rumanian Workers' party.
The literary periodical Igaz Szó (True Word) begins publication at Tirgu Mures.
On October 23, the Hungarian uprising in Budapest leads to extensive unrest in Transylvania with demonstrations in most of the large Hungarian-inhabited cities. Mass arrests, imprisonments, deportations, and many executions follow. The events of 1956 are later used to justify anti-Hungarian measures throughout Transylvania.
On April 15, a Soviet-Rumanian pact is signed defining the status of the Soviet troops stationed in Rumania.
Petru Groza dies on January 7. He was the Rumanian leader who attempted to overcome nationalistic policies and to normalize Rumanian-Hungarian relations.
In June, Soviet occupation troops are withdrawn from Rumania.
On March 5, the Hungarian-language Bolyai University is compelled to merge with the Rumanian Babes University at Cluj, (Kolozsvár, Klausenburg), becoming the Babes-Bolyai University. The merger becomes the first step in the Rumanianization of Hungarian higher education in Transylvania. Three Hungarian professors commit suicide to protest the merger, including the writer László Szabédi.
The overall administrative reorganization of Rumania provides the opportunity for gerrymandering the Hungarian Autonomous Region out of existence. Purely Hungarian areas are detached from it while Rumanian-inhabited areas are attached to it to dilute its compact Hungarian character. The name of the region is also changed to reflect this erosion. It is henceforth called Mures-Maghiar Autonomous Region.
The University of Timisoara (Temesvár) is established without a Hungarian or German section, even though Timisoara has many Hungarian and German inhabitants.
During April 15--22, the Rumanian Workers' party issues its famous "April pronouncement" on the relations of Communist parties and states. The document is a clear statement of revived Rumanian nationalism, primarily rejecting the integrationist efforts of COMECON economic plans.
Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej dies on March 19. He is succeeded as first party secretary by Nicolae Ceausescu on March 22. Both leaders committed Rumania to a nationalistic orientation.
At the IXth Party Congress (July 19--24) the Rumanian Workers' party changes its name to Rumanian Communist party. This is followed on August 21 by the declaration that Rumania is no longer a peoples' republic, but has now become the Rumanian Socialist Republic.
On February 28 is the premier of the film "Dacii." This begins the extensive popularization of the interwar commitment to a nationalistic self-definition via the "Daco-Roman" assumption of national origins.
On February 14, the administrative reorganization of Rumania eliminates the Mures-Magyar Autonomous Region and replaces it with the counties of Mures, Harghita, and Covasna.
During August 15--17, Nicolae Ceausescu visits Czechoslovakia. The visit is followed shortly by the Soviet and Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. Rumania does not participate in the invasion and issues a strongly worded declaration on national sovereignty, independence, and the principle of noninterference in domestic affairs (August 21--22). These events set the stage for a brief (1968--73) thaw in majority-minority relations in Transylvania.
The Hungarian Nationality Workers' Council and the German Nationality Workers' Council are established to serve as agencies for the articulation of minority needs and interests. However, their roles remain symbolic.
On July 7, the Soviet-Rumanian Friendship and Mutual Support Treaty is renewed and signed at Bucharest.
On October 12, a University is established at Brasov (Brasso, Kronstadt) without a Hungarian or German section, even though Brasov has many German and Hungarian inhabitants.
On February 24, the Rumanian-Hungarian Friendship and Mutual Support Treaty is renewed and signed at Bucharest.
On May 16, the Iron Gates Power and Shipping System is officially opened by Tito and Ceausescu.
On May 11, Decree Law 278 requires the presence of a minimum of twenty-five students at the grade school level and thirty six students at the high school level to maintain instruction in a minority language. In small towns, this makes it very difficult or even impossible to maintain instruction in the minority nationality languages.
On September 20, the Trans-Fagaras (Fogaras) highway is opened linking Transylvania with Muntenia/Oltenia (Wallachia) and Bucharest.
On October 6, joint Rumanian-Hungarian commemorations are held for the 125th anniversary of the execution of the thirteen generals at Arad. They had been executed for their role in the 1848--49 revolution.
During October 15--November 2, Act No. 63 on the protection of the national cultural treasures and Decree Law 207 (1974), amending Decree Law 472 (1971) on the National Archives, opens the door to the legal confiscation of all "documents, recordings, official and private correspondence, diaries, manifestos, posters, sketches, drawings, engravings, imprints, seals, and like material" over thirty years old from the possession of religious and cultural institutions or private citizens. This tool for legally confiscating historically significant items makes it possible for the nationalistic Rumanian regime to eradicate or at least erase and/or censor the history of the Germans, Hungarians, and other nationalities in Transylvania.
In Helsinki, Finland, in August, the Final Act of the "Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe" is signed by thirty five states. Rumania enthusiastically endorses the Final Act for its commitment to the territorial status quo, while Hungary supports it for the protections it may provide to its minorities in Transylvania and elsewhere.
On November 8, Decree Law 372 is issued amending Decree Law 225 (1974), which had prohibited the accommodation of non-Rumanian citizens in private homes with the exception of immediate family members. The law of 1976 continues the objective of the earlier legal restriction by discouraging Hungarian tourism and contact between the Hungarians of Transylvania and their conationals in other parts of the world.
The census of February shows that, out of Rumania's total population of 21.5 million, c. 1.7 million are Hungarians. These figures, as do those of 1966 and 1956 (as well as earlier censuses), underrepresent the actual Hungarian population of Rumania. According to objective outside analysts, the Hungarian population is probably closer to 2.4 million in Rumania in 1977.
On June 2, Károly Király, former first party secretary of Covasna County, member of the Party Central Committee, alternate member of the Politburo, member of the Grand National Assembly, and member of the Council of State writes his first letter to Ilie Verdet (Politburo member responsible for ideological matters and nationality policies), raising the shortcomings of Rumanian nationality policies. After he fails to receive any response he writes János Fazekas in August and János Vincze in September about this same problem. Instead of receiving a hearing, he is called to Bucharest in October and is accused of having no faith in the Party leadership.
In January, the Károly Király letters are published in major newspapers throughout the West. He is harassed and forced to leave his home town of Tirgu Mures, (Marosvásárhely, Neumarkt) and to go into "internal exile" to the small town of Caransebes, (Karánsebes). Soon after he speaks to three Western correspondents about minority conditions in Rumania he is also deprived of his post as vice president of the Hungarian Nationality Workers' Council.
On December 21, a new law on Education and Instruction is enacted. Although it is supposed to supersede Decree Law 278, the new law does not rectify the discriminatory practices of the 1973 law. In effect it perpetuates the discriminatory policies by remaining silent about the real needs of minority instruction.
During August 10--17, the International Conference of Historians is held in Bucharest. The timing of the conference and the Rumanian celebrations of Burebista's founding of the Dacian state is utilized as the occasion to propagate the Daco-Roman theory on an international forum.




Fereste-ma Doamne de prieteni (documente din timpul razboiului de eliberare a Ungariei de sub comunismul lui Bela Kun, de catre armata romana 1919) 



















Fereste-ma, Doamne, de prieteni. Razboiul clandestin al blocului sovietic cu Romania

Larry L. Watts
Colectie: Rao istorie
Domeniu de editare: istorie/politica
ISBN: 9786068255958
Nr. Pagini: 800
Aparitie: 12.5.2011
  Pret: 65.99 RON


 Cumpara cartea de la:


 Contents: /with_friends_like_these_contents.pdf

Maps and excerpts








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